not been more fully detailed in the newspapers. The purchase of Louisiana may prove a good thing, and it may be attended with very serious evils. I consider the price much too high, and find that it is Mr. King's opinion (our late Minister at London), that it might have been obtained for a much less sum. But my objection to the treaty is, that it is, in itself, and in its operations, a flagrant violation of the principles of the Constitution, which alone would compel me to give it my negative. There are other objections. The admission of this State into the Union not only carries the balance of power in those States farther to the southward, but in all probability will lay the foundation for a separation of the States. It may produce a very interesting change in the commerce of the Northern States, for France, Spain and their provinces may be supplied with every production of this country from the Mississippi, and will probably exclude us from their islands. The privileges to be allowed their vessels in those parts may have a material effect on the trade of the other States. It is also very doubtful whether we have obtained a fair title-whether the treaty at Idelfonso has ever been fulfilled on the part of the French. It is reported here, and I find it believed by those who are likely to know much of the secrets of the Cabinet, that the Spanish Minister here has presented a remonstrance to the Executive against taking possession of the province. The consequences of this treaty must, after all, depend much upon the state things in Europe. You will see by the papers that an amendment to the Constitution has passed our House, but it has not been decided in the Senate.. This and other amendments were referred to a large select committee, consisting of one member from each State. Happening to be appointed on this committee from Mass., I have had opportunities for ascertaining, better than I otherwise should, prevailing ideas respecting this important instrument. But at present I shall only observe, that, although the alteration proposed is merely to designate the President and Vice-President, the forming of this article by the (Constitutional) Convention, was a work of great difficulty and labor, and was finally a matter of compromise between the large and small States. The alteration is, most assuredly, proposed at this time, to answer a particular purpose with respect to the present state of parties. This state we must believe will not be of long duration, and the amendment may always put it in the power of two or three of the largest States to elect both these high officers from those States. Whatever objection there may be you see the amendment carried in our House by a large majority. Your affectionate parent, [Address to this letter missing.] M. CUTLER. WASHINGTON, Oct 31, 1803. My Dear Sir-Your kind letter of the 2d I had the pleasure of receiving last evening. By this time you have seen, if they are published at large in your papers, the debates on the Louisiana Treaty, which contains all of importance that can be said on either side. Although the House had no voice in the ratification, the principles and probable consequences were pretty thoroughly discussed. The purchase may, possibly, prove a good thing, and, taken on general principles, the quantity of land may be worth the money. But considering it with reference to all its relations, I must think the evils to be apprehended exceed the good to be expected. The friends of the treaty, however, are felicitating themselves with the golden age that is to follow, and are pouring, without mercy, torrents of adulation upon all immediately concerned, or implicated in the negotiation. But, after all their boastings, "the British King," as was observed by a member in the debate, “was the most able negotiator." Those who have opposed the provisions, have generally objected on the ground of unconstitutionality. It is clear to me there is no power to be found in the Constitution authorizing the government to purchase an extended country without the lines of the Union, and to annex it as a member of the confederation. Besides, several of the provisions of the treaty, particularly the conditions on which foreign vessels are admitted, is a direct violation of the Constitution, which (in the 5th paragraph, 9th sect., 1 art.) expressly says: "No On preference shall be given, by any regulation of commerce, or revenue, to the ports of one State over that of another." these grounds I felt myself obliged to vote against the provisions. The most prominent points in which the operation of the treaty is to be viewed are, on the one hand, security of the navigation of the Mississippi, possession of territory capable of producing articles (of large consumption, such as sugar, rum, and coffee) from which foreign nations have it in their power to exclude us, and keeping off a very undesirable neighbor. On the other hand, it is unknown what government has purchased. No boundaries are ascertained, except on the sea-board, and our own lines. Nor is it known what portion of the purchase will be claimed as private property. Intimations have been received from France, which have gained credit, that Bonaparte sold much, perhaps all, the unappropriated lands to speculators in Europe, previous to signing the treaty. We, then, pay 15 millions for the mere sovereignty. and public stores, and the title, to even so much, is disputable. The Spanish Minister's remonstrance is said to be conceived in spirited terms, and to have occasioned a warm and acrimonious correspondence between the Marquis Yrujo, Mr. Pechon, and the Secretary of State. This I have from good authority. The admission of the Province into the Union must throw N. England quite into the background. Her influence in government, from the rapid population at the southward and westward, is naturally declining, and this must be nearly a finishing stroke. The introduction of a still greater number of naturalized aliens into our Legislature is to be expected, when, even now, were you to hear the variety of dialects, it could not fail of bringing to your recollection the building of Babel. The purchase opens a wide field for speculation and a strong temptation to emigration, and into a very unhealthy climate. The effects it may produce on the navigation of the Atlantic. States is extremely problematical. I will only add that it can not be doubted, the moment Louisiana is admitted into the Union, the seeds of separation are planted. It was my intention to have said something of the amendment of the Constitution, but I have been so prolix on the treaty, and telling you about myself, I can only mention that it has passed the House, and at present is asleep in the Senate. Probably its friends will not venture to call it up until two expected members arrive. In a day or two I will trouble. you with some observations on this and some other matters. Congress has acted on no other subject of much consequence, and these have been pressed along with the utmost rapidity. My side reminds me it is time to desist. . . . Mr. Pickering returns his compliments. My respects to your family, brother Frisbie, and all friends. With sentiments of great regard, Your humble servant, M. CUTLER. P. M., Oct. 30, Sunday. In the morning, at the Hall. Mr. Latoone, Episcopalian, from Baltimore, preached. we all went to Georgetown, and heard Mr. Balch. November 8, Tuesday. Horse races commenced.* Nov. 9, Wednesday. Attended the House. Adjourned at *WASHINGTON, Nov. 8, 1803. The horse races of the season have begun this day within the Territory of Columbia, and I have been on the turf to behold this great and fashionable exhibition. . . . The Senate actually did adjourn for three days, not on account of the races, you will observe, but merely to admit a mason to plaster the ceiling of their chamber, which had fallen down a few days before. The House of Representatives met and adjourned; but you must not suppose this was done to allow the honorable gentlemen to show themselves on the horse ground-you are rather to imagine that no business was in due state of preparation to be acted upon. My morning's work having been dispatched, I went to the place of rendezvous.. Not only the gentle and the simple were there, but almost all the great folks, including officers of government. There were a great number of ladies, who mostly sat in the carriages which brought them. Several of the reverend clergy were at this exhibition of the speed of horses. The sport being over, the great men and the pretty women, and the sporting jockeys and the reverend sirs, and many of the little folks, quitted the field. Among the rest, one gentleman, who has a wife in New York, went to his lodgings, and, as soon as he had eaten his dinner, took his pen in hand, and wrote her an account of the whole day's proceedings.—Dr. Mitchell's Letters (Harper's Monthly, April, 1879). 12. Went to the race ground. Colonel Holmes' horse (of Virginia) gained the purse. Holmes' horse The Nov. 12, Saturday. Attended the races. won, the amount said to be about 900 dollars. famous white stud, an Arabian horse, called the Dey of Algiers, on the ground; a remarkably high and full neck, well turned, but not tall, nor very large. It is said there were four English horses ran so near alike that, when either of them carried the key of the stable, weighing 1 lbs., that horse would be beaten. One English horse only has ever run a mile a minute. [Dr. Cutler writes of these races to his son: As the races form one trait of the character of the Southern States, it is a subject which may afford you some amusement. The race ground is on an old field, with somewhat of a rising in the middle. The race path is made about fifty feet wide, measuring just one mile from the bench of the judges round to the stage again. In the center of this circle, a prodigious number of booths are erected, which stand upon the highest part of the ground. Under them are tables spread, much like the booths at commencement (at Cambridge), but on the top, for they are all built with boards, are platforms to accommodate spectators. At the time of the racing, these are filled with people of all descriptions. On the western side, and without the circus, is rising ground, where the carriages of the most respectable people take their stand. These, if they were not all Democrats, I should call the Noblesse. Their carriages are elegant, and their attendants and servants numerous. They are from different parts of the Southern and Middle States, and filled principally with ladies, and about one hundred in number. The ground within the circus is spread over with people on horseback, common hacks, and single carriages; a great number of women on horses and many in rich and elegant dress. On the eastern side is the stage for the bench of judges, elevated fifteen feet from the ground; at a distance of about ten rods, toward which the horses approach first, is another stage, on wheels. This is called the distanced stage. If any horses in the race do not arrive at this stage before the foremost arrives at the stage from which they started, they are said to be |