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it would appear, that the gentlemen in office are as little guilty of bribing their electors with ready money, as any other fet of gentlemen in the kingdom.

That there are ferments often raised among the people without any juft caufe, is what I am furprised to hear controverted, fince very late experience may convince us of the contrary. Do not we know what a ferment was raised in the nation, towards the latter end of the late queen's reign? And it is well known, what a fatal change in the affairs of this nation was introduced, or at least confirmed, by an election's coming on while the nation was in that ferment. Do not we know what a ferment was raised in the nation, soon after his late Majesty's acceffion? And if an election had then been allowed to come on, while the nation was in that ferment, it might perhaps have had as fatal effects as the former; but, thank God, this was wifely provided against by the very law which is now wanting to be repealed.

As fuch ferments may hereafter often happen, I must think that frequent elections will always be dangerous; for which reafon, as far as I can fee at present, I fhall, I believe, at all times, think it a very dangerous experiment to repeal the feptennial bill.

CHAPTER XI.

LORD LYTTLETON's SPEECH ON THE REPEAL
OF THE ACT CALLED THE JEW BILL,
IN THE YEAR 1753.

MR. SPEAKER,

I SEE no occasion to enter at present into the merits of the bill we paffed the last feffion for the naturalization of Jews; because I am convinced, that in the present temper of the nation, not a single foreign Jew will think it expedient to

take any benefit of that act; and therefore, the repealing of it is giving up nothing. I affented to it last year in hopes it might induce fome wealthy Jews to come and fettle among us: in that light I faw enough of utility in it, to make me incline rather to approve than diflike it; but, that any man alive could be zealous, either for or against it, I confefs I had no idea. What affects our religion, is indeed of the highest and most serious importGod forbid we should be ever indifferent about that! but, I thought this had no more to do with religion than any turnpike-act we paffed in that feffion; and after all the divinity that has been preached on the fubject, I think fo fill.

ance.

Refolution and steadiness are excellent qualities; but it is the application of them upon which their value depends. A. wife government, Mr. Speaker, will know where to yield, as well as where to refift; and there is no furer mark of littleness of mind in an administration, than obflinacy in trifles. Public wifdom on some occasions must condefcend to give way to popular folly, especially in a free country, where the humour of the people must be confidered as attentively as the humour of a king in an abfolute monarchy. Under both forms of government a prudent and honeft minifter will indulge a finall folly, and will refift a great one. Not to vouchfafe now and then a kind indulgence to the former, would difcover an ignorance of human nature; not to refift the latter at all times, would be meanness and servility.

Sir, I look on the bill we are at present debating, not as a facrifice made to popularity (for it facrifices nothing) but as a prudent regard to fome confequences arifing from the nature of the clamour raifed against the late act for naturalizing Jews, which feem to require a particular confideration.

It has been hitherto the rare and envied felicity of his

Majesty's reign, that his fubjects have enjoyed fuch a fettled tranquillity, fuch a freedom from angry, religious difputes, as is not to be parallelled in any former times. The true christian spirit of moderation, of charity, of univerfal benevolence, has prevailed in the people, has prevailed in the clergy of all ranks and degrees, instead of those narrow principles, those bigotted prejudices, that furious, that implacable, that ignorant zeal, which had often done fo much hurt both to the church and the state. But from the ill-understood, infignificant act of parliament you are now moved to repeal, occafion has been taken to deprive us of this inestimable advantage. It is a pretence to disturb the peace of the church, to infufe idle fears into the minds of the people, and make religion itself an engine of fedition. It behoves the piety, as well as the wifdom of Parliament, to disappoint thofe endeavours. Sir, the very worst mischief that can be done to religion, is to pervert it to the purposes of faction. Heaven and hell are not more distant than the benevolent fpirit of the gofpel, and the malignant fpirit of party. The most impious wars ever made were those called holy wars. who hates another man for not being a christian, is himfelf not a chriftian. Chriftianity, Sir, breathes love, and peace, and good-will to man. A temper conformable to the dictates of that holy religion has lately diftinguished this nation; and a glorious diftinction it was! But there is latent, at all times, in the minds of the vulgar, a spark of enthusiasm; which, if blown by the breath of a party, may, even when it seems quite extinguished, be fuddenly revived and raised to a flame. The act of laft feffion for naturalizing Jews, has very unexpectedly administered fuel to feed that flame. To what a height it may rife if it fhould continue much longer, one cannot easily tell; but, take away the fuel, and it will die of itself.

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It is the misfortune of all the Roman catholic countries, that there the church and the flate, the civil power and the hierarchy, have separate interefts; and are continually at variance one with the other. It is our happiness that here they form but one fyftem. While this harmony lafts, whatever hurts the church, hurts the ftate; whatever weakens the credit of the governors of the church, takes away from the civil power a part of its firength, and fhakes the whole conftitution.

Sir, I trust and believe, that, by fpeedily paffing this bill, we fhall filence that obloquy, which has fo unjustly been caft upon our reverend prelates (fome of the most refpectable that ever adorned our church) for the part they took in the act which this repeals. And it greatly concerns the whole community, that they fhould not lofe that refpect, which is fo justly due to them, by a popular clamour, kept up in oppofition to a matter of no importance in itself. But if the departing from that measure fhould not remove the prejudice fo maliciously raised, I am certain that no further step you can take will be able to remove it; and therefore, I hope you will ftop here. This appears to be a reasonable and fafe condefcenfion, by which nobody will be hurt; but all beyond this, would be dangerous weakness in government. It might open a door to the wildest enthusiasm, and to the moft mischiev ous attacks of political difaffection working upon that en thufiafm. If you encourage and authorife it to fall on the fynagogue, it will go from thence to the meeting-house, and in the end to the palace. But let us be careful to check its further progrefs. The more zealous we are to fupport Christianity, the more vigilant we fhould be in maintaining toleration. If we bring back perfecution, we bring back the anti-chriftian fpirit of popery; and when the fpirit is here, the whole fy flem will foon follow. Toleration is the basis of all public quiet. It is a character of

freedom given to the mind, more valuable, I think, than that which fecures our perfons and effates. Indeed, they are infeparably connected together: for, where the mind is not free, where the confcience is enthralled, there is no freedom. Spiritual tyranny puts on the galling chains; but civil tyranny is called in, to rivet and fix them. We fee it in Spain, and many other countries; we have formerly both feen and felt it in England. By the blefling of God, we are now delivered from all kinds of oppref fion. Let us take care, that they may never return.

CHAPTER XIL

IN PRAISE OF VIRTUE

VIRTUE is of intrinfic value and good defert, and of indifpenfible obligation; not the creature of will, but ne ceffary and immutable: not local or temporary, but of equal extent and antiquity with the divine mind; not a mode of fenfation, but everlating truth; not dependent on power, but the guide of all power. Virtue is the foundation of honour and effeem, and the fource of all beauty, order, and happiness in nature. It is what confers value on all the other endowments and qualities of a reafonable being, to which they ought to be abfolutely fubfervient, and without which the more eminent they are, the more hideous deformities and the greater curfes they become. The ufe of it is not confined to any one stage of our existence, or to any particular situation we can be in, but reaches through all the periods and circumstances of our beings. Many of the endowments and talents we now poffefs, and of which we are too apt to be proud, will cease intirely with the prefent ftate: but this will be our ornament and dignity in every future ftate to which

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