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Be not terrified with an idle show, and the glitter of filver and gold, which can neither protect nor wound. In the very ranks of the enemy we fhall find our own bands. The Britons will acknowledge their own cause. The Gauls will recollect their former liberty. The Germans will defert them, as the Ufipii have lately done. Nor is there any thing formidable behind them: ungarrifoned forts; colonies of invalids; municipal towns diffempered and diftracted between unjuft mafters, and ill-obeying fubjects. Here is your general; here your army. There, tributes, mines, and all the train of fervile punishments; which whether to bear eternally, or infiantly to revenge, this field must determine. March then to battle, and think of your ancestors and your pofterity.

CHAPTER VII.

THE EARL OF ARUNDEL'S SPEECH, PROPOS ING AN ACCOMMODATION BETWEEN HENRY II. AND STEPHEN.

In the midst of a wide and open plain, Henry found Stephen encamped, and pitched his own tents within a quarter of a mile of him, preparing for a battle with all the eagerness, that the defire of empire and glory could excite, in a brave and youthful heart, elate with fuccefs. Stephen alfo much wished to bring the contest between them to a speedy decifion: but, while he and Euftace were confulting with William of Ipres, in whofe affection they moft confided, and, by whofe private advice they took all their meafures, the Earl of Arundel, having affembled the English nobility, and principal officers, Spoke to this effect:

It is now above fixteen years, that, on a doubtful and difputed claim to the crown, the rage of civil war has almoft

continually infefted this kingdom. During this melancholy period how much blood has been shed; what devastations and mifery have been brought on the people! The laws have loft their force, the crown its authority: licentionsnefs and impunity have shaken all the foundations of public fecurity. This great and noble nation has been delivered a prey to the basest of foreigners, the abominable scum of Flanders, Brabant, and Bretagne, robbers rather than foldiers, restrained by no laws, divine or human, tied to no country, fubject to no prince, inftruments of all tyranny, violence, and oppreffion. At the fame time, our cruel neighbours, the Welch and the Scotch, calling themselves allies or auxiliaries to the Emprefs, but in reality enemies and destroyers of England, have broken their bounds, ravaged our borders, and taken from us whole provinces, which we never can hope to recover; while, instead of employing our united force against them, we continue thus madly, without any care of our public safety or national honour, to turn our fwords against our own bofoms. What benefits have we gained, to compensate all these losses, or what do we expect? When Matilda was mistress of the kingdom, though her power was not yet confirmed, in what manner did the govern? Did she not make even those of her own faction and court regret the king? Was not her pride more intolerable ftill than his levity, her rapine than his profufenefs? Were any years of his reign fo grievous to his people, fo offenfive to the nobles, as the first day of hers? When he was driven out, did Stephen correct his former bad conduct? Did he difmifs his odious foreign favourite? Did he discharge his lawless foreign hirelings, who had been fo long the fcourge and the reproach of England? Have they not lived ever fince upon free quarter, by plundering our houses and burning our cities? And now, to complete our miseries, a new army of foreigners, Angevins, Gascons, Poićtevins, I know not

who, are come over with Henry Plantagenet, the son of Matilda and many more, no doubt, will be called to affift him as foon as ever his affairs abroad will permit; by whofe help, if he be victorious, England muft pay the price of their fervices: our lands, our honours must be the hire of these rapacious invaders. But fuppose we fhould have the fortune to conquer for Stephen, what will be the confequence? Will victory teach him moderation? Will he learn from fecurity that regard to our liberties, which he could not learn from danger? Alas! the only fruit of our good fuccefs will be this; the eftates of the earl of Leicester, and others of our countrymen, who have now quitted the party of the king, will be forfeited; and new confifcations will accrue to William of Ipres.

But let us not hope, that be our victory ever so complete it will give any lafting peace to this kingdom. Should Henry fall in this battle, there are two other brothers to fucceed to his claim, and fupport his faction, perhaps with lefs merit, but certainly with as much ambition as he. What shall we do then to free ourselves from all these miffortunes? Let us prefer the intereft of our country to that of our party, and to all those paffions, which are apt, in civil diffenfions, to inflame zeal into madness, and render men the blind inftruments of thofe very evils which they fight to avoid. Let us prevent all the crimes and all the horrors that attend a war of this kind, in which conqueft itself is full of calamity, and our most happy victories deferve to be celebrated only by tears. Nature herself is difmayed, and fhrinks back from a combat, where every blow that we strike may murder a friend, a relation, a parent. Let us hearken to her voice, which commands us to refrain from that guilt. Is there one of us here, who would not think it a happy and glorious act, to fave the Fife of one of his countrymen? What a felicity then, and

what a glory, muft it be to us all, if we fave the lives of thousands of Englishmen, that must otherwise fall in this battle, and in many other battles, which hereafter, may be fought on this quarrel! It is in our power to do so→ It is in our power to end the controversy, both safely and honourably; by an amicable agreement; not by the fword. Stephen may enjoy the royal dignity for his life, and the fucceffion may be fecured to the young duke of Normandy, with fuch a prefent rank in the ftate, as befits the heir of the crown. Even the bittereft enemies of the king muft acknowledge, that he is valiant, generous, and good natured; his warmeft friends cannot deny, that he has a great deal of rashness and indiscretion. Both may therefore conclude, that he fhould not be deprived of the royal authority, but that he ought to be reftrained from a further abuse of it; which can be done by no means, so certain and effectual, as what I propofe: for thus his power will be tempered by the prefence, the counfels, and influence of Prince Henry; who from his own interest in the weal of the kingdom which he is to inherit, will always have a right to interpose his advice, and even his authority, if it be necessary, against any future violation of our liberties; and to procure an effectual redress of our grievances, which we have hitherto fought in vain. If all the English in both armies unite, as I hope they may, in this plan of pacification, they will be able to give the law to the foreigners, and oblige both the king and the duke to confent to it. This will fecure the public tranquillity, and leave no fecret ftings of refentment, to rankle in the hearts of a fuffering party, and produce future difturbances. As there will be no triumph, no infolence, no exclufive right to favour, on either fide, there can be no shame, no anger, no uneasy defire of change. It will be the work of the whole nation; and all must with to fupport what all have established. The fons of Stephen indeed may endeavour

to oppose it: but their efforts will be fruitless, and must end very foon, either in their fubmiffion, or their ruin. Nor have they any reasonable cause to complain. Their father himself did not come to the crown by hereditary right. He was elected in preference to a woman and an infant, who were deemed not to be capable of ruling a kingdom. By that election our allegiance is bound to him during his life: but neither that bond, nor the reason for which we chose him, will hold, as to the choice of a Yucceffor. Henry Plantagenet is now grown up to an age of maturity, and every way qualified to fucceed to the crown. He is the grandson of a king whofe meinory is dear to us, and the nearest heir male to him in the course of descent: he appears to resemble him in all his good qualities, and to be worthy to reign over the Normans and English, whose nobleft blood, united, enriches his veins. Normandy has already submitted to him with pleasure. Why fhould we now divide that duchy from England, when it is fo greatly the interest of our nobility to keep them always connected? If we had no other inducement to make us defire a reconciliation between him and Stephen, this would be fufficient. Our eftates in both countries will by that means be fecured, which otherwife we must forfeit, in the one or the other, while Henry remains poffeffed of Normandy: and it will not be an easy matter to drive him from thence, even though we fhould compel him to retire from England. But, by amicably compounding his quarrel with Stephen, we shall maintain all our interests, private and public. His greatness abroad will increase the power of this kingdom; it will make us refpectable and formidable to France; England will be the head of all those ample dominions, which extend from the British ocean to the Pyrenean mountains. By governing, in his youth, fo many different states, he will learn to govern us, and come to the crown, after the decease of Stephen, accomplished

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