tion; but the very women bring forth their jewels and other ornaments, offering all to sale for the maintenance of so just a quarrel. By this great forwardness and liberal contribution, Matho and Spendius are supplied with a strong aid of threescore and ten thousand Africans, and are, moreover, furnished with money, not only to satisfy the present appetite of their men, but sufficient to continue the war begun, though it should be of long endurance. SECT. II. Divers observations upon this war with the mercenaries. (1.) Of tyranny, and how tyrants are driven to use the help of mercenaries. HERE let us rest a while, as in a convenient breathing place; whence we may take a prospect of the subject over which we travel. Behold a tyrannical city, persecuted by her own mercenaries with a deadly war. It is a common thing, as being almost necessary, that a tyranny should be upheld by mercenary forces; it is common that mercenaries should be false; and it is common that all war made against tyrants should be exceeding full of hate and cruelty. Yet we seldom hear that ever the ruin of a tyranny is procured or sought by those that were hired to maintain the power of it; and seldom or never do we read of any war that hath been prosecuted with such inexpiable hatred as this that is now in hand. That which we properly call tyranny, is a violent form of government, not respecting the good of the subject, but only the pleasure of the commander. I purposely forbear to say, that it is the unjust rule of one over many; for very truly doth Cleon in Thucydides tell the Athenians, that their dominion over their subjects was none other than a mere tyranny; though it were so, that they themselves were a great city and a popular estate. Neither is it peradventure greatly needful, that I should call this form of commanding violent; since it may well and easily be conceived, that no man willingly performs obedience to one regardless of his life and welfare, unless himself be either a madman, or (which is little better) wholly possessed with some extreme passion of love. The practice of tyranny is not always of a like extremity; for some lords are more gentle than others to their very slaves; and he that is most cruel to some, is mild enough towards others, though it be but for his own advantage. Nevertheless in large dominions, wherein the rulers discretion cannot extend itself unto notice of the difference which might be found between the worth of several men, it is commonly seen, that the taste of sweetness, drawn out of oppression, hath so good a relish, as continually inflames the tyrant's appetite, and will not suffer it to be restrained with any limits of respect. Why should he seek out bounds to prescribe unto his desires, who cannot endure the face of one so honest as may put him in remembrance of any moderation? It is much that he hath gotten, by extorting from some few by sparing none, he should have riches in goodly abundance. He hath taken a great deal from every one; but every one could have spared more. hath wrung all their purses, and now he hath enough; but (as covetousness is never satisfied) he thinks that all this is too little for a stock, though it were indeed a good yearly income. Therefore he deviseth new tricks of robbery, and is not better pleased with the gains than with the art of getting. He is hated for this, and he knows it well; but he thinks, by, cruelty, to change hatred into fear. So he makes it his exercise to torment and murther all ; He whom he suspecteth; in which course, if he suspect none unjustly, he may be said to deal craftily; but if innocency be not safe, how can all this make any conspirator stand in fear, since the traitor is no worse rewarded than the quiet man? Wherefore he can think upon none other security, than to disarm all his subjects; to fortify himself within some strong place; and, for defence of his person and state, to hire as many lusty soldiers as shall be thought sufficient. These must not be of his own country; for if not every one, yet some one or other might chance to have a feeling of the public misery. This considered, he allures unto him a desperate rabble of strangers, the most dishonest that can be found; such as have neither wealth nor credit at home, and will therefore be careful to support him by whose only favour they are maintained. Now, lest any of these, either by detestation of his wickedness, or (which in wicked men is most likely) by promise of greater reward than he doth give, should be drawn to turn his sword against the tyrant himself, they shall all be permitted to do as he doth; to rob, to ravish, to murther, and to satisfy their own appetites in most outrageous manner; being thought so much the more assured to their master, by how much the more he sees them grow hateful to all men else. Considering in what age and in what language I write, I must be fain to say, that these are not dreams; though some Englishmen, perhaps, that were unacquainted with history, lighting upon this leaf, might suppose this discourse to be little better. This is to show, both how tyranny grows to stand in need of mercenary soldiers, and how those mercenaries are, by mutual obligation, firmly assured unto the tyrant. (2.) That the tyranny of a city over her subjects, is worse than the tyranny of one man; and that a tyrannical city must likewise use mercenary soldiers. Now concerning the tyranny wherewith a city or state oppresseth her subjects, it may appear some ways to be more moderate than that of one man; but in many things it is more intolerable. A city is jealous of her dominion, but not (as is one man) fearful of her life: the less need hath she therefore to secure herself by cruelty. A city is not luxurious in consuming her treasures, and therefore needs the less to pluck from her subjects. If war, or any other great occasion, drive her to necessity of taking from her subjects more than ordinary sums of money, the same necessity makes either the contribution easy, or the taking excusable. Indeed, no wrongs are so grievous and hateful, as those that are insolent. Remember,' (saith Caligula, the emperor, to his grandmother Antonia,) that I may do what I list, and to whom I list.' There words were accounted horrible, though he did her no harm. And Juvenal reckons it as the complement of all torments inflicted by a cruel Roman dame upon her slaves,-that whilst she was whipping them, she painted her face, talked with her gossips, and used all signs of neglecting what those wretches felt. Now seeing that the greatest grievances wherewith a domineering state offendeth her subjects, are free from all sense of indignity; likely it is, that they will not extremely hate her, although desire of liberty make them weary of her empire. In these respects, it is not needful that she should keep a guard of licentious cut-throats, and maintain them in all villainy, as a Dionysius or Agathocles must do: her own citizens are able to terrify, and to hold perforce in obedience, all malcontents. These things, considered alone by themselves, may serve to prove, that a city is scarce able to deserve the name of a tyranness, in the proper signification. All this notwithstanding, it shall appear, that the miseries, wherewith a tyrant loadeth his people, are not so heavy, as the burthens imposed by a cruel city. Not without some appearance of truth, it may be said, that lust, and many other private passions, are no way incident to a city or corporation. But to make this good, we shall have need to use the help of such distinctions as the argument in hand doth not require. Was not Rome lascivious, when Cato was fain to rise and leave the theatre, to the end, that the reverend regard of his gravity might not hinder the people from calling for a shew of naked courtesans, that were to be brought upon the open stage? By common practice, and general approved custom, we are to censure the quality of a whole state, not by the private virtue or vice of any one man, nor by the metaphysical abstraction of the universal from the singular, or of the corporation, from those of whom it is compounded. I say, therefore, (as I have said elewhere) that it were better to live under one pernicious tyrant, than under many thousands. The reasons proving this, are too many to set down; but few may suffice. The desires of one man, how inordinate soever, if they cannot be satisfied, yet they may be wearied: he is not able to search all corners; his humour may be found and soothed; age, or good advice, yea, or some unexpected accident, may reform him: all which failing, yet is there hope that his successor may prove better. Many tyrants have been changed into worthy kings; and many have ill-used their ill-gotten dominion, which, becoming hereditary to their posterity, hath grown into the most excellent form of government, even a lawful monarchy. But they that live under a tyrannical city have no such hope; their mistress is immortal, and will not slacken the reins until they be pulled out of her hands, and her own |