HARVARD COLLEGE LIBRARY

JUN 30 1915

4526188.62

MASOCONVENTION

COLLECTION
OF THE

MENURIAL SN Densocratic Party. Jed

DEMOCRACY AND CONSERVATIVE
CITIZENS OF INDIANA,
HELD AT INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 30th, 1862.

50,000 DEMOCRATS IN COUNCIL.

SPEECHES, RESOLUTIONS, AND ADDRESS.

order on this occasion.

The Mass Convention of the 30th of July meeting, I make my appeal to every man, that was the most imposing body ever assembled in he consider himself a committee to maintain good Indiana. Every county in the State was rep- Gentlemen, no man is a good Democrat unless resented, and it is estimated that 25,000 persons he is a good citizen and a patriot. If that be were assembled in the State House yard-all true, every Democrat, from his heart, will enthat could possibly come within the voices of deavor to preserve the public peace, and secure the observarce of the laws. You will, therefore, the speakers, as earnest and attentive listeners. all unite with us in trying to preserve the utmost For seven hours this vast assemblage remained good order on this occasion. I know that no upon the ground, anxious to hear every word good Democrat will attempt to disturb the order of this great meeting. But, perhaps, some perthat fell from the speakers. The Convention sons outside may be so indiscreet as to say some was addressed by the venerable CHARLES A. offensive things. Allow me, therefore, to sugWICKLIFFE, of Kentucky; JOHN S. CARLILE, gest to you that we are a great, free people, met representing Western Virginia in the United for a great, patriotic purpose, and that we can afford to turn our backs upon small meu in small States Senate; Colonel W. A. RICHARDSON, of matters. Illinois, the devoted friend and confident of the late Senator DOUGLAS; and by Hon. T. A. HENDRICKS, Hon. D. W. VOORHEES and Hon. J. E. MCDONALD, of our State. The speeches and resolutions all expressed the most devoted pa triotism and the single purpose of maintaining the Constitution as it is and the Union as it

was.

THOMAS DOWLING, Esq., of Vigo, called the meeting to order, and on motion of J. R. Cor. FROTH, Esq., Hon. THOMAS A. HENDRICKS was chosen President of the Convention by acclama

tion.

Mr. HENDRICKS came forward, and was received with loud cheers. He said:

Therefore, my suggestion to you is, that, as we are, on this occasion, representatives of a great people, meeting on a great occasion, for the good of the country, we ought to pay no sort of attention to any man that may try to insult us here; simply pass him by as unworthy of your attention. For good men, patriotic men, worthy citithe feelings of any citizen, assembled on this oczens of the opposite party, will not try to hurt casion, and it cannot be necessary for you to notice the conduct of blackguards.

J. J. BINGHAM, Esq., of the Indiana State Sentinel, was chosen Secretary.

Hon. SAMUEL BUSKIRK, of Monroe county, moved the appointment of a committee of one from each Congressional District to report resolutions for the consideration of the Convention.

Col. THOMAS G. LEE, of Bartholomew county, was chosen Vice President of the Convention by Mr. HENDRICKS announced the following

COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS.

1st District, James D. Williams.
John B. Winstanley.

2d

GENTLEMEN: I thank you for the honor of call-acclamation. ing upon me to preside over your deliberations on this occasion of the Convention of the people of the State of Indiana. You do not expect of me to make you a speech on this occasion. We have distinguished gentlemen present from other States than our own, who will occupy your attention here for such time as you choose to remain. All I desire to say to you is this: We are Indianians. We are surrounded by troubles. Our society is in an excited condition; and it is the duty of every man; it is the duty of every good citizen; it is the duty of every good patriot to maintain the public peace; and, as the presiding officer of this

Samuel H. Buskirk.

Judge S. E. Perkius.

3d 4th

66

Major Anderigg.

5th
6th 66
7th
8th

Lafe. Develin.

Judge W. M. Franklin.

E. F. Lucas.

P. M. Kent.

J. R. Coffroth.

SPEECH OF MR.
OF MR. WICKLIFFE.

Hon. C. A. WICKLIFFE then appeared upon the| stand, and the President introduced him as follows:

My countrymen-I have said before that I did not think it necessary to discuss the cause of the present difficulties. They are upon us, and our FELLOW-CITIZENS: Fifty years ago Kentucky duty is to maintain the Constitution and the 'auand Indiana were friends. Now, in 1862, our thority of the Government first, and inquire aftercountry is in trouble, and the great question for wards what caused the trouble, and settle with each citizen to decide is-how can I best dis- those who are found to be guilty when peace fis charge the duty which I owe to my country in restored. But now it becomes necessary distinctthis crisis. To-day Kentucky sends to us one ofly to understand for what purpose Indiana is wilher wisest statesmen, one of her noblest patriots, ling to pour out, as she has done heretofore, her to talk with us upon this grave and important countless thousands of brave men, and her question. I have now the honor to introduce him procious blood and treasure for the prosecution He is one who has filled high positions of this war.

to you.

both in Federal and State Governments. That She has already done this. She is ready to do man is the Hon. CHARLES A.WICKLIFFE, of Ken- the same thing again, upon proper principles, I trust. This country must be saved from the viotucky. Mr. WICKLIFFE rose, and when his venerable lence of Secessionists in the South and from the form came into view of the immense crowd, a corrupt machinations of Abolitionists in the wild cheer of welcome arose that made the grove flag of our country in one hand, the ConstituNorth. The people must come forth with the ring as only Hoosiers, when in earnest, can do up tion in the other, and say-For this we will spill such a job.

MI. Wickliffe said:

our blood, for this we will expend our treasure; but we will not do it to carry out the sectional aim of any party that may seek to aggrandise itself under the name of the United States and by means of its armies.

Fellow Citizens of Indiana:-The allusion just made to the former friendly relations of Ken tucky and Indiana has called to my mind early recollections, connected with the present troubles It has been often charged-nay, it has been of our unhappy country. It was then a conflict made the very watch word of party. that slavery between the Government and a foreign foe-a caused this war, and that slavery must be extinwar waged by the United States, or rather I guished before we can ever have peace and quiet should say, by the Democracy of the United under the present Constitution. When was that States against Great Britain, in favor of free position assumed by the party now in power? Was trade and sailors' rights. Kentucky and Indiana it in July, 1861, when by an unanimous vote all had no sailors upon the high seas. They had no of the Republicans in both Houses of Congress merchantmen to be captured and destroyed; but it was declared that the war had been brought on they had a nation's rights to maintain, and right the country by the Secessionists of the South, gloriously did the people of this western valley and that we waged it in no spirit of revenge, but rally to their country's flag to fight her battles. to maintain the Constitution and the Govern. We come out of that contest gloriously victori-ment, and to secure the enforcement of the laws, God blessed us then-may He bless our the restoration of peace, the reduction of the reefforts now making to save the Government our bellion in arms, the protection of each State when fathers haye left to us. thus conquered in all her rights under the ConI come here, my fellow citizens, not to advo- stitution, and to protect the citizens of every cate the claims of a candidate for the Presidency State in the enjoyment of all their personal -not to ask your vote for some man for Gov-rights and domestic institutions by the power of ernor, or for some other office; but I have come the General Government. I give you the snbto advocate the cause of our country, her Con- stance of that vote. stitution, her institutions, and her Union, already endangered by the wicked Secessionists of the South, and more wicked Abolitionists of the North.

ous.

With this declaration, after the unfortunate affair of Bull Run, we appealed to the patriotism of the people for an army to carry out these principles, with the assurance that when those I come to say that while we have our domes- principles had been vindicated, the war was to tic troubles in Kentucky, yet at this moment no cease. Was not that the language addressed to State is more deeply loyal than my own. Ken you when you were called upon to give up your tucky stands to-day the devoted advocate of brothers and sons and neighbors and friends to go the "Constitution as it is, and the Union as it forth with their lives in their hands, upon the was." Kentucky authorizes me to say to you field of battle? Did any man then dare to inticitizens of Indiana, that upon that great princi-mate that this war should not cease until every ple she has staked her all, and for it she is ready slave in the United States was emancipated? and willing to sacrifice her life, her property, her Now we have that as the watch-word of the Aball. Under no circumstances am I authorized to olition party. I say the "Abolition party." I say or to believe for one moment will Kentucky mean to do no injury to any man. I do not and Indiana consent to be separated otherwise know how the matter stands with you here, but than by the Ohio river. in Congress and in the high places of party, the Abolition party has swallowed the Republican neck and heels. They may have come to you

With these general remarks let us now turn our attention to the present condition of affairs.

and talked about the Crittenden resolution. It Abolition Convention in New York in 1859. I is very well to talk, but however well they may quote not from a political paper-it is a religious have talked, if they ever had any patriotism they paper; and the language was copied from that ordid not keep the faith, for when called upon to gan of the Devil-the New York Tribune-that vote, like a flock of genuine sheep they all fol- paper which proclaimed upon my leaving Washlowed their leader. I put them to the record for ington, because I was laboring with all my powthe truth of what I say. And when we who ers to protect the Constitution, and to give this called ourselves conservative men, loyal Demo-war its legitimate direction, that I was a dangercrats and Whigs, Bell men and Breckinridge ous man to the country. Wickliffe must be men, were called upon to come to our aid and watched!" Perhaps, for what I am saying here prosecute the war upon the principles upon which to-day, I am to be watched, and I will take this they had declared it, like Billy Bopeep's sheep occasion now to say that I am responsible for they did not come up. We lost quite a number what I say here, and everywhere, and at all times, of our friends just at this point, and some of and I call Heaven to witness the verity of my be them from the State of Indiana. How very soon lief in all I have said.

those men forgot the Crittenden resolution! In 1859 these men met in Convention in New When Mr. Holman of your own State invited York. They passed then and there the followthese gentlemen to vote upon these questions, how did they vote? I am sorry that I have not the ayes and noes here so that I could show you how they stood when it came to the test.

Fellow-citizens, let me tell you what really did cause this revolution. It was the contest for power. The South wanted a Government for herself separate from the East. The East wantBut these men say slavery was the cause of ed a Government separate from the negro, and this rebellion. Yes, Sir, it was the cause, just for this they were willing to jeopardize the Conabout as much as the tea which was poured into stitution and the Union and the lives of thouBoston harbor was the cause of the rebellion of sands upon thousands of their fellow citizens. It 1776. It was the unhallowed ambition of the would be no hard job for the conservative Union representative men of the South, who saw the men of this nation to have conquered this rebelscepter departing from Judah, and the Aboli- lion. If twenty millions of freemen can not put tionists of the North combined, that brought on down an armed rebellion of eight millions withthis rebellion. I have the evidence before me to out invoking the negroes and arming them, I say prove that assertion. Dates and facts are impor- get out of the way, and we conservative mentant things when you want the truth. I hold in Democrats, Republicans and old Whigs-will my hand the record and resolutions passed at the do it.

I am not here to defend slavery. It is an ex-| among these agents was one man from the State pensive article to me, I can assure you. I have of Ohio by the name of Pierce, or Price I think been practicing law now for nearly fifty years, it was, and I recollect seeing a report made by and most of that time nearly all that I have made the man to Secretary Chase. has gone upon the backs and into the bellies of my negroes.

ne

Gen. Hunter, the commandant of our forces, conceived the grand idea, contrary to law, and But this institution existed in all the States be- contrary to the feelings of every honest man in fore the Union commenced, and all but one when the country, of arming and drilling the the Constitution was framed; and notwithstand-groes for service against their masters. He issuing this fact you might hear this man Lovejoy, ed a proclamation declaring all the negroes free. preaching that the Constitution recognizes the He set himself to work to raise a regiment of negro as the equal of the white man, and that "loyal citizens," as he termed the blacks. He the declaration therein contained that all men drummed about for a considerable time, and got are created free and equal embraces the African twenty-five? In the next place, finding that that as well as the Caucasian race. Why, sirs, look would not do, he sent soldiers out to Chase's cotat the history of your country and the deeds of ton plantation, to raise negro recruits by forceyour forefathers. When they dared oppose the So the soldiers came out and hunted the negroes. power of Great Britain and poured out their down. They drove them out of the houses, and blood like water, what were they contending for? from under the beds, and from every secret hiFor negro equality? No! No! The liberty of ding place where they had taken refuge, saying, the negro? No! It was the right of represen- with tears in their eyes-Would that our old mastation in the Parliament of Great Britain, and ters would come back. Our masters never treatthe principle of no taxation without such repre- ed so badly as that. sentation. That and none other was the cause which they struggled.

They were uniformed with white trowsers and striped jackets-and Hunter raised his regiment, but Chase's cotton plantation was broken up.

They declared "all men were born free and equal.' In that declaration they set up a doc- Now, sirs, if you white men of the loyal States trine directly contrary to the doctrines and the are not able to maintain the authority of the practices of every despot in Europe; to all that Government and restore the Union without the kings and potentates had practiced upon. They help of the negroes, you are not worthy the name believed and proclaimed that the white race were your fathers gave you. I say to these men, take born free and equal, and if they conquered and your negroes to Lowell with you take them gained that freedom, and established a free Gov-away, and get out of the army yourselves. Let ernment upon American soil, it was to be a free- loyal, honest, patriotic men take your places, and dom and a Government for the white man, and in less than six months we will have the Union not for the negro. Why, sir, if they intended to restored. include the negro in that declaration, if they in What right has the Federal Government to intended that the negro should stand shoulder to terfere with the slaves of Virginia or of Kenshoulder with the white man at the ballot box, tucky? I will not take time to read the publishthey were the greatest set of fools in the world ed declaration of the President himself that he that they did not say so. Why did not they then had no right under the Constitution to interfere declare that the slaves in Massachusetts, and in with slavery. But, our country having become Virginia and Maryland, and in New York, free, involved in war through the injustice and vilif they belieyed that they were so created? Did lainy of Abolitionists and Secessionists, the case they do so? Not one word of it. It was the is altered wonderfully. They say now that they white man who was their equal, and who then have a right to take my slave and make him eviengaged their attention, and for whose welfare dence against me. They have already made him they were concerned. a competent witness in Washington, City, and I

But now the thing is changed. The negro do not know how long it will be until he will be now engages the thoughts of these righteous sitting by my side in Congress, if I should ever men, and they are ready to sacrifice the Govern-be foolish enough to go tuere again, or my felment if they can not free the negro, and turn low citizens foolish enough to send me. four millions of blacks loose upon the country. The Constitution, in its restrictions upon the Away with such talk. When you hear Love- representatives of the people, is no more regarded joy preaching such doctrine, tell him to go and by the party now in power in that Congress than preach it to the negro, and let white men alone. you regard your last year's almanac. I say the I call upon all who have watched the course of party now in power. There is but one party these men to say for which they have shown, by there. They call themselves Republican, but I their acts and by their votes in Congress, the can not conscientiously recognize them as doing greatest anxiety, the Constitution or the negro? any thing else than carrying out the principles of Let me say a few words in regard to our friend, Mr. Chase. He is our banker, you know. When our army had invaded the Southern States, and captured a few inlets and islands along the coast, Mr. Chase, not having enough to do, took it into his head to commence raising cotton at the pub lic expense, and to supply the whole country with the staple in that way. He employed some fortyone agents to assist him in his enterprise; and

the old Abolition party. These men sent for Greeley to come to Washington; he came, and lectured upon what the Government ought to do in the crisis. After Greeley, came Wendell Phillips-the man who says the Constitution of the United States is "an agreement with death and a covenant with hell," the man who said in Congress and in the hearing of the military of this nation, that he had been nineteen years stri

ving to take nineteen States out of the Union. your sons and brothers and neighbors in the Thank God, it was now at length accomplished, army? Not less than thirty thousand. I recoland all that was wanting for his complete satis-lect seeing one company of these creatures that faction was the freedom of all the slaves,

had been captured by Major General McDowell, consisting mainly of old women with babies in their arms. While McClellan was in need of an army to sustain his right wing, McDowell was catching negroes away upon the Rappahannock. That is what has thrown us back in this war a whole year. It is that that has compelled the Government to call for three hundred thousand additional volunteers to retrieve the falling fortunes of our arms. I hope that if the President wants that army for the purpose of sustaining the Constitution and the Union, he will get it.

Fellow citizens, what are you to do if the war is conducted upon the principles which your advocates of the Crittenden resolutions voted for? How do you expect this Union to be reinstated? I have said the leaders should be punished-when you catch them; but you know you must catch the rabbit before you cook him. This party has already proclaimed the confiscation of the entire estate of six different classes of citizens, and when you come to look into the matter you will find that within those six classes is embraced evFellow Citizens-I have one more word to say ery grown man and woman in the eleven States The bill lately passed by Congress authorizes the in parting with you. It is in regard to fuPresident to take their property and confiscate it, ture course in view of the great issue before you.. to the last dollar. Now when you have taken Let me say to you, maintain your principles as all the man's property and confiscated it and men, but let all your actions be governed by the turned his family out of doors, who will then principle that this Union must be preserved, and keep house? Who is then to enjoy the good let the negro take care of himself. things that abound there? The negro. Will And when this battle is over-when the Union you support such a war as that? No, never! shall be restored, as I hope it will be, then, felYou are for a war to restore the Union and the low citizens, if this Abolition party shall still Constitution, but you will never yield your sup- continue to distract the peace and quiet of the port to such infamous measures as these. country, I trust we will have a Fort Warren to put them in.

Now, what is to become of these negroes? Do you want them in Indiana?

your

At the close of Mr. WICKLIFFE's speech, three How many of these negroes are now clothed cheers were given for Kentucky, and then three and fed by the money which you voted to feed for the venerable speaker, when

SPEECH OF MR. CARLILE.

Loud calls being made for Mr. CARLILE, the would be justified by the civilization and President of the meeting, Hon. T. A. HENDRICKS, Christianity of the age. If the people of the said: United States suffer this war to be diverted from these objects we shall bring down upon ourselves the execrations of mankind and the just vengeance of a righteous God.

FELLOW-CITIZENS: Last April, one year ago, the present civil war commenced at Fort Sumter, in South Carolina. State after State had been going out of the Union, and the grave question was presented to the great old Commonwealth of Virginia, "Shall Virginia go out?" The contest was most bitter. Eastern Virginia at length decided to go. Western Virginia decided to remain in the Union, under the leadership of a gallant young statesman of that portion of the State. That gallant statesman I now have the honor to introduce to you in the person of the Hon. John S. Carlile, Senator from Western Virginia.

After the prolonged cheering, which greeted his appearance, had subsided, Mr. CARLILE said: People of Indiana, my Countrymen and my fair Countrywomen: Clouds and darkness are round about us. For more than a twelvemonth we have been engaged in a fearful, terrible, fratricidal war. Let us pause and ponder on this.

What are the objects of that war? Congress, in July, 1861, solemnly declared them to be "to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality and rights of the several States unimpaired." No other war could or

How is this war to be waged? Congress, speaking for the nation, in the same declaratory resolution, has said "that this war is 'not waged on our part in any spirit of oppression, or for any purpose of CONQUEST or SUBJUGATION, or purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of the seceded States."This formal declaration of the purposes and objects of the war, made the very day after our reverse at the battle of Bull Run, was but a reiteration by the American people, through their representainstructions given by the President of the United tives having authority to speak for them, of the States through the head of the State Department (Mr. Seward) to the representatives of our Government abroåd, and we stand to-day committed before the world that for no other purpose than the objects stated in the resolution referred to, shall this war be waged; yet the controlling majority of the same Congress at its last session was clamorous for a change of policy in the conduct of the war, and have even assailed the President because he did not repudiate not only their own declarations and his instructions, to which I