derive such unspeakable advantages. He will thus perceive himself to have been the object of a parent's tender, unremitting care, whilst totally unconscious and unmindful of it-will find himself to be in the possession of blessings he has never earned, and of prospects which no foresight of his could have anticipated: by the same antecedent love, he is gradually fitted for his own station in society, and so for the acquisition of yet more extended benefits. Thus is the germ of Christianity unfolded in the heart, and grows up in it with every undeniable tie. To know God and his Christ, is to understand aright the relationships of father and son, of husband, wife, and brother; nor (unless we admit nature to be a sufficient guide) can we know them rightly in any other way. Morality cannot teach the heart its duty, unless formality be tenderness, and coldness love. He only can be said to know the right path who loves it from a principle of obedience to God, as well as good-will to man! Nor can a defection from duty on one side, exonerate the other partysince it is the relation, not simply the individual, we are called upon to regard—and the best means of reviving forgotten claims is by exercising those which remain. The task will no doubt be painful and laborious, but a contrary course would greatly aggravate evils, whilst a patient adherence to duty, in spite of all opposition, must eventually be attended with beneficial results.

J. D.

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ON THE IMPROPRIETY OF MIXING UP RELIGION WITH POLITICS.'

MADAM,

I KNOW not whether the fancy which I have endeavoured to describe by the above title be an increasingly popular one, or not;-but it has happened to fall in my way, of late, more than once, and I cannot but fear that it is working, or threatening to work, much mischief among us.

'I say, I have endeavoured to describe it; for I really cannot feel at all sure that I understand the exact position taken by those who espouse it. I do earnestly wish that some one holding the opinion to which I am alluding, would condescend to state and to enforce it in your pages, and we should then be able, in some degree, perhaps, to comprehend the principle, if it can be dignified with that name,against which we are contending.

In one of the cases to which I allude, a most estimable and excellent man, full of zeal and scriptural piety, was arguing against one of our defensive associations, one of the societies formed for the support of our ancient institutions, on the ground that, in his view, the preaching of the gospel was every thing; that with it, all went on well, and without it, every thing tended to destruction. I fully and cordially admitted all this,—but the question seemed to me, as far as respected his objection, to be, whe

ther Christians were to eschew politics altogether? But on this point I got no distinct answer.

I must press, however, for a reply to this question, -for till we get that point settled, we do not know against what we are contending. If the supporters of the hypothesis in question mean this, why will they not say so? and we should then understand how to shape our arguments.

If they would take this ground, they would have to contend;

1. That all Christian members of Parliament, Peers or Commoners, whether Lord Roden, Lord Cholmondeley, and others in the upper house, or Mr. Plumptre, Sir Andrew Agnew, Mr. Hardy, and their friends in the lower, ought to leave off wasting so large a portion of their time as the duties of Parliament at present demands, and to devote it to missionary exertions in their own circles and neighbourhoods:

2. That all Christian men ought to take means to keep their names as much as possible, off all the Registers of Electors, lest they should be seduced into taking a useless and, in fact, improper part in election contests :

3. The Record newspaper ought to be informed, by its subscribers generally, that it devotes too much time and space to political matters;-that less than half the usual quantity of political information would be quite as much as its readers desired, and that thus more room would be left for theological and moral discussions.

Divers other consequences would flow from this doctrine, were it but once firmly established. The main result, however, speaking after the manner of

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men, would be this: In the present balanced state of political parties, the secession of the whole body of professing Christians from the ranks of the party termed Conservative,' would lead to the immediate triumph of their opponents. The throne and the altar, and our whole system of free government, so providentially built up, but by human instrumentality, would instantly give way to a fierce democracy, or an iron despotism. Thus must it be, except it pleased God, in some miraculous manner, to send us a supernatural deliverance. Whether we should do right in thus piling our arms, folding our hands, and looking upwards, is what I desire to know. If any one can show the same authority which Moses had, for proclaiming, “Stand still, and see the salvation of God," I hope that I, for one, should not hesitate to yield a prompt submission. The consequences, viewed merely by the eye of sense, might justly be calculated to be fearful, but if the duty be clear, the consequences may be safely left with God. All I desire is, that those who think they see this duty in scripture, would explain to us their views, in all their length, and breadth, and fulness.

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I fear, however, that the more prevalent fancy is not of this simple and honest character. It seems to me that the clamour against mingling religion with politics' comes from parties who do not wholly banish political matters from their conversation or their thoughts,-who do not refuse to take a moderate part in such questions, when fairly brought under their notice. Now from such an one, professing Christian principles, and admitting his responsibility as a citizen, as well as a human being,it does sound to my ear most strange, harsh and

revolting, to hear the caution, now, alas, not unfrequent, against 'bringing religion into matters merely political.'

For, what is it that these persons are really asserting, but this,-that there is one department of life, and a department not forbidden to the Christian's tread, from which the word of God ought to be, not only may, but ought to be, excluded. Is not the position this,-that Christian men may enter Parliament, may enter corporations, may take a moderate share in politics generally;-but must not, in any of these spheres, open or refer to the word of God ;must not introduce religious principles into the discussion.

I confess that I am curious to see, that I much desire to witness, the attempt to produce a logical statement of this new doctrine. If there be, among your readers, any who feel a disposition to prefer this line of action, may I beg them to indulge the world with a sketch, at least, of their views of Christian duty.

The moment, too, at which this fancy has made its appearance, is worthy remark. Just at the time when our legislature, heretofore of one religious profession, is thrown open to all;-just at the moment when the enemies of the church, and the enemies of Christ, are permitted to come into broad day-light in our houses of Parliament, and there to assert and re-assert their destructive doctrines,-just at this moment, above all others, does a delusion go abroad among Christians, saying, 'If you are politicians at all, be mere politicians; never think of being Christian politicans.'

Exactly the opposite of this counsel, is the clear