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the sort of figure to which even Spaniards | the provinces, in fact, into States, let each bow in reverence, and it is by no means organize its own guard, and leave to the certain that even that figure is attainable. central power only a defined right of taxaIt is difficult to conceive of a Coburg de- tion and control? No military chief could clining a throne, but King Ferdinand seems attack such an arrangement if once in workto have refused one, and apparently without ing order, for each province would be a arrière pensée. The Duchess of Montpen- new centre of resistance and beyond coersier has a party, but the Duchess is as cion by the Army, even if the Army were bigoted as her sister, and not half so able. kept up. It must not be forgotten that allProtestant Princes will hardly be selected, powerful as the Army may be while it lasts, the Orleans family is vetoed by the Em-its reduction is always easy, the conscripts peror of the French, and Spain, if she welcoming a decree which sends them home takes a King at all, must apparently go to their cottages as a delightful release. about begging to some little known Ger- The first reward decreed by Prim to his man, who probably will not be able to speak soldiery was a shortened term of service. Spanish, must place herself at the feet of Throughout the history of Spain, in this some ignorant schoolboy whose single re- very movement itself
, the tendency has been commendation is that the race he springs for the provinces to close in upon the cenfrom is visibly effete. Spanish pride is not tre, not for the centre to propel motion gratified at that prospect, and the very through the provinces. In France, Paris difficulty of finding a King drives the revolts and the departments follow; but in thoughts of the people back upon the idea Spain the departments revolt and Madrid of a Republic. The moment the magical endorses their decree. There may be charm is broken and the matter brought to reasons familiar to Spaniards which render the test of reason, the moment it is seen any such experiment dangerous, but it is that human society can exist without kings, strange that they produce none. The Junthat the pyramid will stand without a statue tas, elected as it werby instinct, see no at the cop. the democratic idea takes root, such danger. The great cities do not see the übjections begin to disappear, and a it. Catalonia - Scotland of Spain - does Republic is seen to be one of the arrange- not see it; or Aragon, or Biscay. Olozaga ments in which it is possible to acquiesce. himself only says that a Republic would be Acquiescence, dignified with high-sounding premature, and Prim has promised when epithets, is the usual feeling of the multi- the Cortes meets to resign power into its tude in every nation towards its govern- hands. The solitary reason advanced in ment.
public for re-establishing the throne is the It is the custom of Englishmen, who fear lest a Republic should be unable to rever cordially believe in any form of gov- protect property; but why should it be unernment but their own, to assume as an able, any inore than a monarchy surrounded axiom that a Republic would not suit Spain, by republican institutions? A strong chief but it is very difficult to perceive a reason is always a source of strength, but what for that assumption. A Republic of the extra power does a lay figure bring to the French pattern, we admit, might be a very Cabinet supposed to be sitting under bis dangerous experiment, for the Presidency presidency ? If there is a monarch, it is would soon be all-powerful, and the Army admitted Olozaga will be Premier, and would probably elect the depositary of Prim Minister at War; and suppose Olopower. 'But the same objection does not zaga is called Protector, what additional exist to a Federal Republic. Spain is, of danger to property is there in that ? all countries in the world, the one in which But may there not be a secret reason provincial feeling is strongest, in which compelling the Chiefs of the Revolution to communes, cities, and provinces have re- abstain from proposing a Republic, a threat, tained most fully the habit of separate ac- for example, from the Emperor of the tion. The moment the people are let alone French ? That is probable enough, for a they organize provincial and municipal Republic on his frontier would be decidedly juntas or committees by election, and, when inconvenient to Napoleon; but why should elected, obey them very strictly. Their that reason weigh heavily with the people natural and almost irrepressible tendency is of Spain ? Napoleon might be and would to appoint a committee for each com- be displeased, but he could not invade the mune, a larger committee for each province, Peninsula merely to impose on her a form and a central committee for the whole of government which France has herself country, adding generally some popular shaken off. With Prussia waiting the hour, chief as head of the Executive. Why not Italy thirsting for Rome, and all Spain in formulize and restrict that system, change arms for her independence, such an expedi
tion would be an act of madness, even if | brought him pleasure. His speech upon desired by France at large; and there is the subject gave deeper offence to English not the slightest evidence that France is Liberals than even to the Americans, for it anxious to interfere, or has any prejudice suggested that there was at least one subin favour of a government which most ject upon which the moral vision of their Frenchmen condemn as an exceedingly leader, usually so clear, was dimmed by illogical compromise." Invasion is out of prejudice; one corner of his mind in which the question, and short of invasion what his sympathies for the oppressed, usually has Spain to fear beyond the temporary so despotic, were not dominant; one reloss of an "influence" in Paris she can very gion of politics in which his foresight, well do without? We doubt if menaces usually so keen, was arrested by some failfrom Paris will weigh heavily with the ure in his mind. He has, we doubt not, Cortes, while they will, if once made audi- since then received light, has perceived not ble to the people, enlist on the side of the only, as he says, the enormous energy naRepublic the well-known pride of the Span- tions derive from extending popular priviish temperament, perhaps produce a burst lege, but the enormous suffering which any of enthusiasm sufficient to make any other compromise with slavery, any tolerance for form of government impossible. We quite that supreme wickedness, brings even upadmit that the masses of Spain are not Re- on States otherwise wisely organized; but publican in any decided sense; that if Olo- he should have taken the opportunity afzaga has a decent candidate for the throne forded him by the banquet to Mr. Reverdy ready, and can bring him into Madrid, and Johnson to announce the change, and clear can obtain any sort of plébiscite in his fa- his political character from its solitary vour, most Spaniards will acquiesce; but stain, to prove that there was no point upif time is allowed to pass, and liberty of on which men who love freedom could respeech continues, and province can hear gard Mr. Disraeli as superior to himself. from province, and city call to city, the He did not do it. He made, indeed, an Cortes may yet decline the humiliating task excellent speech, full of kindness towards Napoleon wishes it to commence; may re- the Union and its representatives, and adfuse to beg to be governed, and begin mitted that the war had taught him much; governing for itself, either as a sovereign but he did not say, what we are certain he Senate, or, better still, as the supreme but fully believes, that the war proved to a limited head of many representative bodies. demonstration the great truth that no free No Englishman can venture to predict the state can in this generation be based on course of Spanish events, but it is becoming human slavery, that the system is, in his clear even to Englishmen that the policy of own words, about a much milder servitude, delay is by no means favourable to the "a deliberate negation of God." It is cause of constitutional monarchy. The ab- conceivable that his reticence may have sence of a fitting candidate may, of course, proceeded from an exaggerated courtesy only tend to secure the election of a Span- towards Mr. Reverdy Johnson as a Maryiard, but it is much more likely to embolden lander, or from a mere reluctance to enter the cities to demand a federation, and it is at such a banquet upon a personal topic; the cities, and not the villages, which im- but it has disappointed, not to say woundpose their will in revolutionary times. ed, some of his best supporters, and we shall be delighted to find that before the election comes on the ill-timed silence has been amply explained. Even had slavery not been in question, Mr. Gladstone's false estimate of American forces would have been a blunder; but it was one committed by politicians as sagacious as himself, by one, for example, as coldly watchful as the Emperor of the French. No apology was needful for a error so widely spread, but sympathy with slavery is a mental taint of which a leader almost worshipped by English Liberals, and worshipped for the sincerity of his belief in freedom and in man, ought to avow himself wholly free.
From The Spectator, 24 Oct.
MR. GLADSTONE missed a great opportunity on Thursday. The single incident in his career which his followers would gladly forget, and which every now and then suggests a doubt whether his Liberalism is world-wide, is the attitude he assumed towards the Southern rebellion. He believed that it would succeed, that a slave empire could be founded, that it was possible to elevate a caste of slaveholders into a nation, that in fact, as he said, the work had been accomplished, and he expressed his belief as if in some way it
For the rest, the banquet was a success. Liverpool would much rather the South had won, but the dinner was free from ail
trace of that feeling, even Mr. Laird, to the opportunity for an acquisition of Cuba. whose conduct the discord between Amer- The Republicans, on their part, deprecate ica and England is mainly due, maintaining that course decidedly. They brand the filia judicious silence. Mr. Johnson dwelt a bustering proposition, such as it has cropped little too emphatically perhaps upon the up in soine Southern journals, as an infacommon origin, language, literature, and mous one; and they will not hear of an anso on, which did not prevent South and nexation of the island by purchase. All North from bating one another very hearti- they contend for is, that the Union ought to ly, and hitting one another very bard; but enter into the most friendly intercourse with Lord Stanley displayed a genuine anxiety the Provisional Government of Spain, so to reconcile the two countries, and it is that its voice might make itself heard effecpleasant to hear officially that of three sub- tually in favour of an entire and immediate jects in dispute two have been arranged, abolition of that cruel system of human bonand the third may be settled within the dage which has hitherto disgraced Spanish next few weeks. The dispute about the dominion in the Pearl of the Antilles." right to St. Juan, which most Englishmen The fact of those malcontents in Cuba have forgotten, but which, like all boun- who aim at the overthrow of the Spanish dary disputes, was very dangerous, is hap- yoke having hitherto remained quiet, may pily at an end; and the supposed vari- appear a strange one, seeing that the island ance as to the right of citizens to transfer is honeycombed by secret associations, estheir allegiance never existed at all. Eng-pecially on its southern side. There are, lishmen and Americans are unanimously however, it seems, a number of such socieagreed upon the matter, and their judg- ties with very different tendencies, antagonment needs only a formal registration. istic to each other; and this may partly acNothing remains except to settle the pen- count for the present outward calm. There alty to be inflicted on this country by Mr. are those who aiın simply at independence, Laird, and even upon this Mr. Johnson and there are those who have a junction hoped negotiation would go on merrily, with the United States in view — under the and Lord Stanley hinted that a result condition, of course, or, at least, in the semight be attained before he quitted power. cret hope, that the “ peculiar institution" A perfectly satisfactory result is, of course, of the South would be revived one day in hopeless, for Mr. Laird cannot be fined in some form or other. There is the Creole the amount of damage inflicted by the party, moreover, with its jealousy of the Alabama; but any result which would full-bred Spaniard; and there is the slave close the sore without tarnishing the na- element, in which ideas of emancipation tional honour would be acceptable alike to have become rife. Thus there exists a perthis country and the Union; and the elect- fect maze of cross purposes, a circumstance ors of Birkenhead have it in their power to so far favourable to the continuation of supplement the failures of the law. In- Spanish rule, inasmuch as the malcontents deed, even if they do not, Mr. Laird is al- are ill-assorted amongst themselves. Bemost sufficiently punished by that irony of sides, the revolution in the mother country circumstance which made him, so proud as has evidently taken them by surprise. he was of the Alabama, a guest at a ban- They were certainly not initiated into the quet given to the representative of the secret beforehand, and so they find thempower he had tried to crush, an eager selves at present somewhat out of their recklistener to the speech in which a British oning. Minister claimed as his highest credit, his A few figures, referring to the population pleasantest reward, to have cured one part of Cuba, and the neighbouring isle of Porto of the evil caused by the achievements of Rico, may here be of use. According to that ship. The Member for Birkenhead, the census of 1861, there were in the former we may be sure, did not join in the laugh- island 793,484 whites (including creoles, ter with which the audience, as Mr. John- i. e., descendants of Spanish or other Euson cleverly avoided naming the “ Ala- ropean immigrants, and real Spaniards), bama claims,” expressed their appreciation 232,493 mulattoes, or emancipated slaves, at once of his courtesy in victory, and of and 370,553 negro slaves. There is consethe grim humour of the scene.
quently a coloured population, either freed or still enslaved, which comes close up to
the number of whites. In Porto Rico there From The Examiner, 24 Oct.
were counted, in 1861, 300,406 whites, 241, CUBA AND THE UNITED STATES.
037 free coloured people, and 11,738 slaves. Whilst Spain is involved in revolution, It is doubted, however, by some of the best a powerful party in the United States is statisticians, whether the number of slaves strongly urging President Johnson to seize ) is not in this case understated. At any rate,
policy to launch the nation into enterprises abroad, so as to distract it from the regular course of improvement at home. It is the Cæsarean policy, under slightly altered circumstances. The Republicans protest against a reckless, inconsiderate extension of the boundaries of the Union. They have no desire to hasten on, by violent or questionable means, that junction of the Canadas to the United States which they believe will, in course of time, be accomplished by the free choice of the people. They have no desire to see Mexico absorbed by the Union, the Mexicans and the mass It is well worth while to dwell, on this of the North American people being as unoccasion, for a moment longer on the dif-like as the inhabitants of two conterminous ference in the altitude of the Democrats and countries well can be. the Republicans of America, whenever a question of territorial acquisition comes up. The Democrats are for extension every where, and in every direction—they are alike anxious for the annexation of Canada, Mexico, and Cuba. It is a part of their
in Porto Rico also, the coloured and the white population nearly balance each other. From this it is easily seen that, taking matters on an average, a liberal emancipation policy would rather be calculated to strengthen Spanish dominion. The Creoles, it ought to be known, are the very element in which projects of severance have hitherto been rife. In the main, it is therefore only among a small section of liberal-thinking whites, and in the mass of the blacks, that Spain can hope to keep her footing. Hence, emancipation presents itself as a natural issue from unquestionable difficulties.
LORD BROUGHAM AS A WRITER.- Brougham was so various and omnific a man, that merely to touch upon the chief characteristics of his eminence is quite impossible. Few men, indeed, who have led so active a life, who have stood so prominently forward at the head of great national affairs, have possessed a reputation so entirely separated and distinct from the more prominent portions of their fame; but through all departments it was the useful which especially claimed and captivated his attention. He was eminently a child of the understanding; his intellect was built up from the things which are seen. His creed upon things of the mind and of human nature would probably be very much such a one as Lord Macaulay would have sketched. Indifferent to the powers and graces of poetry he could not altogether have been; but with the new races and schools of poets and poetry, we suppose, he had no sympathy. We believe he was never reconciled to Byron; if Jeffrey ever needed urging to renewed hostility to the schools of Wordsworth and Coleridge, he no doubt found a hearty backer in Brougham; and when Carlyle began to contribute to the Edinburgh those magnificent papers which completely set aside some of its preceding verdicts on Burns, on Richter, and on German Literature, Brougham is reported | to have said, "I declare to you, if you allow that man to write another paper, I'll write for you no more." Brougham belonged to an order of men having little sympathy with, and not disposed to place among the subjects of their close acquaintance and intimate knowledge, the transcendentalisms either of metaphysics, poetry, or science. A man's training usually fixes the poles of his mind, even when it is boldly original, and when it is yet unable entirely to dominate his whole character; and the schools of Scotland, St. Andrew and Edinburgh, when Brougham was a youth, would not prepare his intelligence for much appreciation of that large new realm which
With regard to Cuba, the Republicans fully acknowledge the advantages that might result from its annexation in a commercial sense; but they earnestly deprecate, notwithstanding, its acquisition under present circumstances.
seems to have been laid bare to more of the speculative by the teachings of Kant, Fichte, Hegel, and Cousin; in our own country we may add Coleridge and Carlyle. Following, however, in the discipline to which his mind had been accustomed, and which indeed was in harmony with all the labours of his life, his practical, sagacious, and legal intelligence, he devoted himself to the cultivation of the visible, the tangible, the useful. The same spirit which animated him in his intercourse with such men as Bentham and Romiley influenced his studies when he left the more public walk, or when that public walk became comparatively a secluded one, separated from the noisy highway of politics, and reserved for the feet of those who desired even more to see the human mind informed than the powers of class privilege broken; hence his work in connection with mechanics' institutes, which were to him and to his idea something more resembling what we now know as the people's college, than that great misnomered thing the mechanics' institute has usually become; then his work in connection with the Society for the Promotion of Useful Knowledge, which long squibs were wont to satirize as the Society for the Promotion of Useless Knowledge. Aided by him, the first cheap pe riodicals were launched; and multitudes of those delightful volumes were published which first ununrolled in a cheap form the ample page of knowl edge to the comparatively poor. His delightful essay on the " Objects, Advantages, and Pleas ures of Science," written in the pressure and crowd of multitudinous affairs, was one of the first and most earnest words addressed to the people, inviting them to a knowledge of those great subjects, which, while they entertain, instruct, and, while they lift the mind above the merely sensual, admit it into the knowledge of the durable, the knowledge of itself, and of beings like itself not of clay-the beings of the mind.
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