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trusted the Emperor of Russia would give the most effectual proof of his disinterested policy, by withdrawing his forces with the least possible delay,
at the feet of a Muscovite emperor," not of an Aus- | policy of these states will be guided by one system, and trian one. Turn where he may, among all the of that system the Emperor Nicholas will hold the heterogeneous populations of his territories, he key. meets with only disaffection and discontent. The Such s the commencement of the change made accession of military force gained by the termina- in the European system, and the balance of power, tion of the Hungarian war may, indeed, be used by the overthrow of one heroic nation. What is nominally for the furtherance of the ambitious to be the end, it is not easy to foresee. plans of Schwarzenberg in Germany; but they Times, which was so lately convinced that a comwill be used in reality for the furtherance of the bination founded on the charter of Count Stadion interests of the czar. Should he even emancipate "would raise the Austrian empire from its ashes," himself from the effects of his Jesuit education and and which from the evil counsels of his mother, and really wish to govern as a constitutional monarch, he would find almost insuperable difficulties in his way. The complicated and artificial system of Austrian bureaucracy cannot be changed in a day. Yet unless municipal institutions, after the model of the Hungarian, be introduced, all the paper constitutions that could be framed would be utterly without value to attack the root of the evil. In Austria there were, in 1842, besides 30,000 custom-house officers, no less than 140,000 persons employed in the routine of the central government; there were also 100,000 of the same class enjoying pensions; there were numerous extra hands for special purposes; and new offices were being daily created. Of municipal self-government there was hardly a vestige. Would the czar,
whose counsels must unavoidably have great weight for some time to come, and who can scarcely be expected to fortify the constitutional opponents of a return to the old system,
permit the introduction of any real system of selfgovernment? Why, we already see that, in Hungary, the Austrian commissioners are everywhere engaged in suppressing the existing municipal institutions, the only basis upon which a powerful empire could be reconstructed.
But what is the tone of those who, in England, hounded on Welden and Haynau, Cossack and Calmuck, to the death struggle of the gallant Hungarians?"The result," says the Times, and it most truly,
is now dawning on the world. * *
is now reduced to hope, or, to use its very words, to be
not without hopes that the Russian cabinet may dis-
ard his spots?
The districts we
Such prospects cannot fail to excite the most serious reflections in the breasts, not merely of every sincere lover of rational liberty, and of every
one who considers the maintenance of a balance of power an European necessity, but also of every one who knows how much the welfare of this country is influenced by its commercial relations with the rest of Europe, and what a rude shock these may receive from an attempt at reviving the continental system of Napoleon, or even from that In other words-a Protectorate of Russia in the natural decay of trade which attends a feeling of south of Germany, as well as in Austria and Hun-insecurity. Well may the Times ask upon what gary with a complete suppression of whatever principles the affairs of Europe are to be carried glimmerings of liberty may yet be left in Baden, on. What will restore that union and confidence Wirtemberg, and Bavaria, as well as, in all prob-between the governors and the governed, without ability, "intervention" in the affairs of Switzer- which no state can be powerful, prosperous, or secure? The answer is not difficult. The solu
The opinion expressed by the Russian cabinet will have the greatest influence over the fate of that vast chain of states which reach from the sources of the Rhine and the Danube to her own frontiers. The
tion of the problem is to be found in recurring to the fundamental and imperishable principle of self-government; in maintaining municipal institutions wherever, as in Hungary, they do exist;
and in reïntroducing them wherever they have agreed amongst the great courts, however, that fallen a sacrifice to the levelling spirit of modern they would hereafter settle the Swiss question in bureaucratic despotism. Without such institu- common, Russia withdrew for the time. But tions, all the Octroyée constitutions that may be Hungary subdued, now comes the affair of Switgranted are worth the parchment they are written zerland. It is a republic in the midst of Europe, on, and no more. the refuge of republicans, with a free press, with most liberal institutions, and with the democratic party uppermost and governing its respective cantons. Austria declares that the peace of Europe cannot be preserved as long as Switzerland remains in this state; and whilst some recommend a conquest and military occupation, for the purpose of restoring the old aristocratic parties to power, others recommend a partition. Commercial views of course blend with political ones. For Switzerland not only harbors ideas of political freedom, but practises commercial freedom also. An Austrian Zolverein of high duties would be impossible as long as Switzerland remains, as at present, open to British commodities.
But is there any probability that such measures will be resorted to by those into whose hands the destinies of Europe, at the present moment, seem to be given? We confess we are not sanguine. Sometimes, however, out of an extremity of evil good will rise; and the very financial embarrassments which have been brought upon the countries thus ruled, may compel their rulers to pause in a mad career. At all events it is necessary that the opinion of England should be loudly expressed. So far from the friends of Hungary relaxing their exertions, they must now endeavor to save a futurity for her, by petitioning-by beseeching our gracious queen, to use her utmost endeavors that the integrity of Hungary shall be guaranteed, and that her municipal institutions shall be respected; that Hungary may not become a larger Poland ;" and that at least one germ of rational liberty may be preserved, whatever may be the vicissitudes of the Danubian countries. The political horizon of Europe is overcast and gloomy; but we still hope that the minister who so lately thwarted the designs of Russia in the Baltic. may, if duly supported by the voice of the country, be able to oppose some resistance to them in eastern and central Europe.
From the Examiner, 1 Sept. SWITZERLAND MENACED WITH THE FATE OF
Switzerland, therefore, is menaced with the fate of Hungary; and although the Swiss are brave, they cannot, any more than the Hungarians, resist the united forces of Germany and Russia. But in this grave meditation of absorbing a free country, it was hoped that France would prove a willing accomplice. She had shown herself obsequious in Rome, not very exigent in Piedmont, and had betrayed no sympathy for either Hungarian or German resistance. French statesmen, however conservative, pacific, or monarchic, cannot consent to blot Switzerland from the map of Europe, even at the price of taking a share. It would be not only disgraceful, but highly impolitic, to allow Austria, especially in such hands as she is at present, to advance her military outposts beyond Bregenz. It would not do to play over again in Switzerland the game of Italy. It would not do to allow the Austrians to occupy the Grisons, whilst France was content with a counterpoise in the seizure of Geneva.
A BAR has arisen to prevent the perfect adhesion of the French president to that new holy alliance of despotism whose armies and whose principles are now triumphant from the Straits of Sicily to the Baltic. The French government itself had been lulled into the opinion that its cir- But what to do? The Austrians, with the cumspect conduct had won the approbation of the Russians at their back, menace Switzerland. courts of the East. During the last fortnight, Even the smallest of their demands will not be however, the ulterior views of Russia and of Aus- complied with by the Swiss, who will raise tria, hidden as long as the Hungarian struggle troops, and menace war. Is France at once to remained doubtful, have become more fully known; forbid the invasion of Switzerland? and if so, is and we have reason to believe that France has re- France to undertake, as at Rome, the un-democeived cause for distrust and alarm. cratizing of Switzerland? She has had enough Fortunately, the great bone of contention be- of this in Rome; but dare she say to Austria and tween France and Austria, the position of Pied-Russia, Switzerland must remain as it is? mont, had been settled by the conclusion of the These are questions that seriously occupy the treaty before Görgey's submission. But the Ro- consideration of French statesmen. And they are man affair remained undetermined; and in this, the more serious, because Prussia joins Austria it is now acknowledged, the French government and Russia in the demand to reduce Switzerland will be forced to assume an altogether new atti-to at least homogeneity with the conservative govtude. Now, too, in addition to the Roman affair, ernments around her A German republic might there has arisen another, as yet almost unnoticed have been tolerated up to this time; but now it by the press, but very sure, at no great distance is of too dangerous an example, and great efforts of time, to swell into paramount importance. This will be made to blot out all such. The difficulty is, What is to be done with Switzerland? lies in the attitude to be assumed by France, and on that depends the future fate of Switzerland and the peace of Europe
When the Russian troops lately approached the frontier, the Swiss raised an army. It being
Much will depend too, no doubt, on the conduct | extract from a proclamation issued at Pesth, dated of the British ministry. It will be appealed to by the Swiss, and defied, should it remonstrate, by the powers of the East. If England and France think as one upon the question, it is decided, and Switzerland saved. If they disagree, and act separately, the fate of Hungary is to be feared for Switzerland.
PEACE CONGRESS IN PARIS.
[We make up this article from several papers, but especially request the reader's attention to that from the Times, upon Mr. Gurney's statement ;-which appears to have been overlooked by American reporters, ignorant of the weight of his authority. Let the Times continue its battery, and the walls will fall.
In a future number we shall shew that the cost of government in France has been increasing, and continues to increase so fast as to make everything except disbanding the army hopeless against insolvency. The expense incurred by the continental powers, in keeping down the masses of their own people, is ruinous. And without these standing armies, peace would soon reign over Europe.]
From the National Era.
July 19, and signed Haynau. Praying forgiveness individual who shall, either by word or action, or from your outraged feelings, I will read it: "Any dare to support the cause of the rebels; any indiby wearing any revolutionary signs or emblems, vidual who shall insult one of my soldiers, or those of our brave allies, either by words or blows; any individual who shall enter into criminal relations with the enemies of the crown, or who shall seek to kindle the flame of rebellion by reports spread for a sinister purpose, or who shall be rash enough to conceal arms, or not deliver them up within the delay fixed by my proclamation, shall be put to death with the shortest possible delay, and on the spot where the crime shall be committed, without distinction of condition or sex." [Loud cries of "Butchers! butchers!"] This was addressed to the inhabitants of Pesth; and, a few weeks afterwards, the same signature appears to a proclamation addressed to the inhabitants of the countries of the Theiss, from which I will also read a short extract, and which I must declare to be the policy of the devil. [Loud laughter.] "Take care not to incur my vengeance by revolutionary movements. Not being able in such a case to find out the guilty party, I shall be compelled to punish the whole district. If, on the territory occupied by my
ONE of the most striking speeches made before army, or in its rear, any attempt shall be committhe congress was the following:
SPEECH OF RICHARD COBDEN.
I have the honor to submit to your consideration a motion condemnatory of loans for warlike purposes. My object is to promote peace by withholding the sinews of war. I propose that this congress shall make an appeal to the consciences of all those who have money to lend. [Hear, hear.] I do not allude to a few bankers who appear before the world as loan-contractors. They are the agents only for collecting funds from smaller capitalists. It is from the savings and accumulations of the merchants, manufacturers, traders, agriculturists, and annuitants, of civilized Europe, that warlike governments can alone supply their necessities; and to them we will appeal, by every motive of self-interest and humanity, not to lend their support to a barbarous system, which obstructs commerce, uproots industry, annihilates capital and labor, and revels amidst the tears and blood of their fellow-creatures. We will do more; we will in every possible way expose the character and objects, and exhibit to the world the true state of the resources of every government which endeavors to contract a loan for warlike purposes. The time is gone by when barbarous nations, devoted to war. could conquer civilized Europe, unless, indeed, the latter will be so very complacent as to lend the money necessary for its own subjugation. [Hear, hear.] War has become an expensive luxury. It is no longer a question of bows and arrows, swords and shields. [Cheers.] Battles are now decided by artillery, and every discharge of a cannon costs from twelve to fifteen francs. I wish, with all my heart, it was ten times as much. [Loud applause.] The consequence is, that when countries behind the rest of Europe in civilization enter upon hostilities, they are obliged to draw upon the resources of more civilized states-in other words, to raise a loan. And how is the money thus borrowed from the savings of honest industry expended? What is war in our day? Has it learned any of the charities of peace? Let us see. I hold in my hand an
ted against my soldiers, or if any of the convoys should be stopped, or a courier, or the transport of provisions prevented, an immediate punishment shall be inflicted on the guilty commune; it shall become the prey to flames, and levelled to the ground, to serve as a frightful example to other communes. [Renewed cries of" Butchers! butchers!"] I ask you, whilst your flesh creeps, and your hair bristles with horror at these quotations, Has war borrowed any of the charities of Christianity? Have modern warriors repudiated the practices of the barbarians of antiquity? For my part I can see no difference between Attila and Haynau, between the Goth of the fifth and the Goth of the nineteenth century. But we address ourselves to those who by their loans really hire and pay the men who commit these atrocities, and we say: "It is you who give strength to the arm which murders innocent women and helpless old age; it is you who supply the torch which reduces to ashes peaceful and inoffensive villages, and on your souls will rest the burden of these crimes against humanity." I shall be told that it is useless to make an appeal to the sensibilities of men, who, with money lying unproductive at the bottom of their pockets, are thinking of nothing but five per cent. 1 will undertake to prove, though I shall not weary you now with an argument on the subject, that peace will offer a far better field of battle, and that she will afford a much more profitable investment for the accumulation, than in partnership with Haynau and Co. This discussion will be raised again and again in various places. The Congress of Nations will make the tour of the civilized world. You, Frenchmen and Frenchwomen, who have received with so much enthusiasm your English visiters, in whose name I thank you; who have known so well how to honor the noble zeal in the cause of humanity which has prompted your American guests to cross the great Atlantic, who have welcomed the presence of Germans, Belgians, Dutchrsen, and the representatives of other nations, in this hall—you have imparted to the Peace Congress a great moral power, which its members will endeavor to
use for the benefit of humanity. We shall leave you with renewed hopes and courage, confident that we have only to persevere resolutely but legally, and always in a moral sense, and, step by step, we shall propagate the sublime idea which now reigns in this hall, till it embraces within its influence all the nations of the earth. [Loud and long-continued applause.]
There is no statesman in Europe more respected than Richard Cobden, nor yet one who better represents the "good time coming." His presence and aid, upon the occasion under notice, have established the peace movement as a great fact." What was once but an idea, has, through such auspices, become a life; the word has become flesh.
One of the most pleasing incidents of the congress was the following. Mr. Coquerel (member of the National Assembly) rose, and said—
all joined together, without distinction of country; we have all been united in one common feeling during our three days' communion. The good work cannot go back-it must advance-it must be accomplished. [Cheers.] The course of the future may be judged of by the sound of the footsteps of the past! [Hear, hear.] In the course of that day's discussion, a reminiscence had been handed up to one of the speakers, that this is the anniversary of the dreadful massacre of St. Batholomew. The reverend gentleman who was speaking turned away from the thought of that sanguinary scene, with the pious horror natural to his sacred calling. But I, who may boast of firmer nerve, I take up the remembrance. Yes, it was on this day, two hundred and seventy-seven years ago, that Paris was roused from slumber by the sound of that dread bell which bore the name of the cloche d'argent. Massacre was on foot, seeking with keen eye for its victim-man was busy in slaying man. That slaughter was called for by mingled passion of the worst description. Hatred of all kinds was there That he wished to draw the attention of the urging on the slayer-hatred of a religious, a politmeeting to the interesting circumstances connected ical, a personal character! And yet, on the anniverwith the volume which he held in his hand. [The sary of that same day of horror, and in that very gentleman here held up a little black-bound book.] city where blood was flowing like water, has God It was an essay on the best means of bringing about this day given a rendezvous unto men of peace, a state of general peace in Europe, with the double where wild tumult is transformed into order, and motto of Beati Pacifici, and Cedunt arma toga. The animosity into love! [Immense cheering.] The date of this little work was 1693, and the author stain of blood is blotted out, and in its place beams was the celebrated William Penn, one of the found-forth a ray of holy light. [Renewed cheers.] All ers of the Society of Friends. [Immense cheering.] distinctions are removed, and Papist and Huguenot There was every presumption in favor of the opin- meet together in friendly communion! [Cheers, ion that this was the very copy that had been orig- which prevented the speaker for some time from inally presented by the author to Queen Mary of proceeding.] Who, that thinks of these amazing England, as on each cover were to be seen the changes, can doubt of the progress that has been royal initials of her majesty. The volume had made? But whoever denies the force of progress been the day before presented by M. A. Barbier must deny God, since progress is the boon of Provto the person then speaking, in order that it might idence, and emanates from the great Being above! be preserved in the library of the Protestant [Cheers.] I feel gratitude for the change that has church of the Oratoire, as a memorial of the first been effected, and, pointing solemnly to the past, I meeting of the Peace Congress at Paris. [Loud cheers.]
say, Let this day be ever held memorable-let the 24th August, 1572, be remembered only for the Mr. Coquerel is a very influential person in purpose of being compared with the 24th August, Paris, as is indicated by the fact, that although a 1849; and when we think of this latter, and ponder Protestant pastor, he is also a representant du peu--the advocacy of the principles of peace-let us over the high purpose to which it has been devoted ple. He was particularly valuable to the congress, not be so wanting in reliance on Providence as to on account of his perfect acquaintance with both doubt for one moment of the eventual success of our the English and French tongues. The president holy cause. [Immense cheering followed this anicould not speak a sentence of English; nor, in fact, mated address.] could Girardin or Garnier.
Victor Hugo's closing speech was worthy the author of "Notre Dame." The following indifferent translation of it is from Galignani:
The chief interest of the congress did not reside in what are called its "proceedings." They certainly were interesting, but not enough so to warrant a voyage across the Atlantic. We could My address (said he) shall be short, and yet I have heard as good addresses, and better, in Washhave to bid you adieu! How resolve to do so?|ington or New York. What was worth crossing Here during three days have questions of the deep- the ocean for was the sight of English, French, est import been discussed, examined, probed to the American, Dutch, Belgian, and German people bottom; and, during those discussions, counsels
have been given to governments which they will mingling together in perfect illustration “liberté, do well to profit by. If these three days' sittings égalité, and fraternité." The fusion did us all are attended with no other result, they will be the good. It melted down many a national prejudice, means of sowing in the minds of those present and moulded into beautiful shapes some of the best germs of cordiality, which must ripen in good fruit. feelings of our nature. It was not a strife of na[Hear, hear.] England, France, Belgium, Europe tion against nation as to which should exhibit the and America, would all be drawn closer by these greatest amount of cunning and power, but a noble sittings. [Hear, hear.] Yet the moment to part and joyous rivalry as to which should exhibit the has arrived; but I can feel that we are strongly
united in heart. [Applause.] But before parting most good feeling and Christian sympathy; and I may be permitted to congratulate you and myself the French people seemed to be delighted that we on the result of our proceedings. We have been had chosen for such a convention, their brilliant
metropolis. The government, even, received us | reflection to those who feel an interest in the extenwith open hand, and gave us every facility we sion of the international communication.
could ask. We were allowed to come here from England, six hundred strong, without presenting a single passport, or opening a single portmanteau. On our arrival we were notified, by the minister of public works, that every public building and institution would be freely opened to us, on presentation of our congressional cards. The celebrated Fountains of Versailles were set in operation, at great expense, for our special benefit; and the famous Cascade of St. Cloud was not only set in operation, but magnificently illuminated. To crown all, De Tocqueville, minister of foreign affairs, invited every member of the congress to a soiree at his official residence, where we met nearly all of his official colleagues, and several foreign ambassadors. It was pleasant to see among the latter our distinguished countryman, Mr. Rush. I shall have another letter to send you upon the congress, and so will close this, lest I weary you. TAVISTOCK.
P. S. Lamartine was not present at the congress, on account of his illness. Beranger was also absent from indisposition, but sent in a letter approving our movement. While at Versailles, the English members complimented their American brethren by giving them a déjeuner a la fourchette, and presenting each of us, on the occasion, with a copy of the New Testament, in French. Richard Cobden presided over the ceremonies, and addresses were made, in acknowledgment of the honors, by W. Allen, D. D., Rev. James F. Clark, Elihu Burritt, and Henry Clapp, jun.
From the Independent.
The English papers are filled with the details of the Peace Congress. We have no room for the reports of speeches beyond what have already been furnished by our English correspondent. But there were several incidents in connection with this movement worthy of being chronicled as indicating the state of public feeling towards it. One of these is thus spoken of in the London Daily News of August 28:
The greater number of the gentlemen from England and America left London by special train on the morning of Tuesday, the 21st inst. The party, numbering between 700 and 800, found two special steamers waiting at Folkestone, to convey them to Boulogne, where they arrived at three and half past three, P. M.
Another incident still more striking was the following:
M. Lacrosse, the minister of public works, issued a circular to the members of the Peace Congress, inviting them to visit the palaces of Versailles and St. Cloud, upon which occasion it was stated that the celebrated water works would play, and the cascade at St. Cloud would be illuminated at night, an honor which, it was intimated, was only conferred upon the visits of sovereigns.
In compliance with this invitation, about 1000 delegates to the congress started by the railway to Versailles, on Monday morning, at 9 o'clock. Upon their arrival they were immediately conducted over the palace, every portion of which was thrown open for their inspection. At half past 12 upwards of 700 of the company sat down to an elegant déjeuner in the celebrated Tennis-court, so fraught with historical associations. The residue of the company, on account of the inadequacy of the building to their accommodation, were compelled to seek refreshment in the various cafés in the town.
After the repast was concluded, the company were reconducted to the palace, where they were received by the commandant and a guard of honor. Upon their arrival on the terrace, at the entrance of the gardens, they were surprised at finding nearly 30,000 spectators, who had assembled from Paris, Versailles. and other places. The congress halted for a short time upon the terrace, and gave several hearty English cheers for France. which were responded to by cheers from the French, accompanied by shouts of "Vive la Congrês," with which cry they were frequently saluted during the day. The commandant, mounted on horseback, then conducted the congress over the gardens, to visit the fountains.
At 5 o'clock the congress took their leave of Versailles amidst mutual cheering between themselves and the French, and proceeded by railway to St. Cloud, where they were conducted over the palace and grounds by the officers of the palace, the French populace being rigidly excluded from any spot which could intercept the view of the congress. At nightfall, "La Grande Cascade" was illuminated in the most magnificent manner for two hours, a military band playing various overtures, quadrilles, and waltzes during the period. Between 8 and 9 the company took their departure amidst mutual salutations, being conducted out of the grounds by the chief officer in charge of the palace, the road through the long avenue of trees leading from the palace to the town being lighted by flambeaux, held by soldiers at short intervals. The spectators at St. Cloud were nearly as numerous as those at Versailles.
In consequence of the kind and active intervention of the President of the Chamber of Commerce, Monsieur Alexandre Adam, the usual passport formalities were dispensed with on this occasion, and the custom-house authorities allowed the whole of the luggage to be landed and conveyed to the railway station without being examined. This last concession is almost without precedent. Although it is generally extended to ambassadors and distinguished official personages travelling as such, it ing the congress were informed that the state of probably has never before been made for a large his health would not permit of his carrying out number of private individuals landing at the same his original intention.
It was intimated in the early part of the day that it was the intention of the President to have met the deputation at St. Cloud, but in the even
time; and the circumstance offers a subject for much On the following morning the greater part of