RUSSIAN BEAR. Oh, confound that Sublime Porte! what a headache it's given me ! bear the Morning's Reflection !” From the Spectator, 3rd Nov. CANADIAN ANNEXΑΤΙΟΝ. DOES national virtue find its sole expression in a money profit? If so, Canada might have her annexation; for England would have neither motive nor power to retain her. The annexationists of Montreal rest their manifesto mainly on a calculation of commercial advantage. Does that suffice? Prove a profitable balance in the ledger, and is that all that a nation should look to-or the chief thing? Unquestionably there are greater and higher objects. The bond of national unity depends upon several things-questions of race, social habits, political institutions, and more besides; but above all, on sympathy in upholding noble sentiments. Yes, simple as that tie may be, it is the true bond of nationality. The simple love of justice between man and man-whether ment of New York, and in the nullification controversy between north and south. They think that absorption will overrule and obliterate dissen sions of race: it has obliterated nationality in Louisiana and Florida; it has not obliterated race in the Negro helotry; and the new province must make up its mind to sharing the dangers and guilt of that tremendous riddle. Canada must waive her blessed immunity from that contamination. All this the colonists might be made to feel, if the public servants of England went to work in the right way. The more so since, of all provinces in the world, Canada is perhaps the one that has most uniformly exhibited the influence of feelings upon political views and sympathies. The "British" party has been brought to its present false position by an ultra-loyal affection for England, and her institutions an affection perverted by bad the justice between crowned and uncrowned man administration. The French party has been noted on the plain of Runnymede, or the "fair play" for the degree in which it is swayed by feelings. between two combatants in the street-has been the sturdy sentiment which has guided England through many a contest, many a trouble, and many a perplexity, to be great and powerful. You cannot find the equation of that sentiment in gold. We might ask Canada if she forgets her blood relationship, that she is leaving us for lucre; but, unhappily, we have done no little to forfeit that claim. We have forfeited it by the conduct of the minister whom the House of the English Commons suffers to rule over the colonies. Fail Were the imperial government, then, to be represented in Downing Street and Montreal by men who could share and direct these ready sympathies, it would be possible to reäwaken in the colony a noble nationality. England might say to her-" You have been treated harshly and unfairly: the pursuit of party objects in London has made the imperial parliament play fast and loose with your finance; a bad colonial minister has exasperated your factions; you have been so ill governed that your colonization stands still, and ing to strike out a policy which should be original, your border marks the confines between the pros successful, and superior to all others-thwarted in his own sport with the colonies, Lord Grey is driven to desperate courses, and their welfare is sacrificed to his disappointed self-love and fantastic spleen: how, then, can he recall them from a mere commercial policy to more generous ideas? We have forfeited our claim by the conduct of the representative of this country, who has brought the crown and its imperial authority into disgrace by vacillation, trifling, and cowardice. More deplorable is it that we have forfeited the claim nationally, by our trading statesmanship-doubly trading, in the subserviency of our statesmen to trading ideas, in their traffic upon any cant of the day. Abroad, we have trifled with the highest national feelings; at home, we doubt, scoff, and prevaricate; putting trust only in what professes to be small, topical, and not elevated or dignified. How then can we recall Canada to her faith in noble sentiments or her sympathy with great ideas? No; if she thinks she can gain by the transfer, we must let her turn adrift. The loss, indeed, will be hers, not exclusively, but chiefly. For though we are degraded by this subserviency to trading ideas, the United States are still more so; and any province joining them must consent to sink to the same level, or be cheated. The Montreal annexationists think that absorption in the perity of a republican state and the backwardness of an English dependency: all that is allowed: but we will treat you more generously; a man of elevated and generous feeling shall be your governor; your local statesmen shall be invited to grave and friendly council in London; we will take counsel with you upon the best way in which mother-country and colony can stand by each other, to uphold freedom, to develop each other's greatness, and to serve mankind: go free if you will; but before you do so, let us see if we cannot be more happy, more exalted among the nations, more beneficent to our race, by remaining together." We believe that a policy conceived and expressed in this spirit would meet with a hearty and a full response from Canada. The annexationists admit that separation would not be practicable or desirable without the consent of England. "The consent!" who is to give it? What traitors are there amongst us, in high places, that the separatists count upon an official consent? Are we come to such pass that, to indulge the crotchets and foibles of splenetic and incompetent statesmanship, we must forego Lord Durham's great effort " to perpetuate and strengthen the connection between this empire and the North American colonies, which would then form one of the brightest ornaments in her majesty's imperial crown?" Is the attempt to be abandoned Union will supersede border wars, and endow their by the sovereign with the advice of her responsiprovince with lasting peace; forgetting the alarm- ble ministers? The British public ought to learn ing wars which germinate in the anti-rent move- what the executive means to do. From the Examiner of 3 Nov. LOUIS NAPOLEON'S DISMISSAL OF THE BARROT MINISTRY. IF trouble, confusion, or disruption of the republic, ensue in Paris from the desire which the president has just manifested, and the step he has taken, to secure ministers of his own opinion and policy, the fault may be immediately his, but originally it lies with the leaders of the Assembly and its conservative majority. They resolved to have a chief of the republic with monarchic and hereditary pretensions. In a kind of spite, because they could not have a Bourbon of one branch or the other, they took a Bonaparte. To the authority and pride which surrounded the name of such a president, they added, for him, the still greater claim of the elect of the French people. And this very power, concentrated in the person of the president, they used in order to beat, to provoke, and to subdue, the first National Assembly. They defied its majority, and ruled in despite of it; M. Barrot himself snapping his fingers at that majority, and declaring that he ruled by the grace, not of the Assembly, but of the president and of the popular choice. The precedent thus established by M. Barrot and the Conservative Club is now turned against him, and the club, and the majority in the present Chamber. We must say for Louis Napoleon, however, that he had not, up to this point, proved self-willed or indocile. He had in a thousand instances given up his personal will, passed over his personal friends, and nowithstanding his own liberal instincts and leanings, had allowed his ministers to be as illiberal in domestic policy, and as pusillanimous in foreign, as they could well be. No doubt his obsequiousness was induced or strengthened by the idea that such a conservative policy in Italy and elsewhere secured to himself personally the friendship, if not the protection, of the old sovereigns and dynasties of Europe, into whose ranks he might have hopes of one day entering. The embassy of M. De Persigny to the northern courts has dissipated this illusion. His return with the conviction that not all the obsequiousness of the French government had made any sensible impression upon those monarchs, or won them to Bonapartist interests, has shown the president how he has been frittering away the first year of his hold of power, without making any tried friends at home or abroad, and without advancing his own cherished purpose one single step. The manifest aim of Louis Napoleon in writing his famous letter on Roman affairs was that of seeking eclat for himself, and recommending himself as a chief of liberal ideas; and the Assembly, as manifestly, cushioned the letter not more for the sake of propitiating the Pope than for that of defeating the aim of Louis Napoleon. The Assembly and the Club of the Rue de Poitiers have sought to make but a moment's use of Louis Napoleon. The notion of his taking any firm or last ing position they have studiously set themselves against. They look to the ultimate restoration of the monarchy of some Bourbon or another; and they regard the present president as a stepping plank. It was not to be expected that he should be blind to this, or that he should tolerate what really is both a slight and a treachery. His present message to the Assembly is the result. It is at least open and sincere, and these are great merits. But its braggadocio about the 10th December, and the glories of the Napoleon name, bespeaks a grievous infatuation, and foreshadows but one result. Fortunately for M. Molé, M. Thiers, and those other designing gentlemen, Louis Napoleon is not a deep politician; he cannot dissemble, smother his resentment, conceal his hopes, or prepare his revenge. It is curious to think how Louis Philippe in his place would have outwitted and disappointed those knowing politicians. Louis Napoleon is, however, incapable of playing Mazarin. He is more of a Condé, who slashed such net-work with the sword. The temper required in such matters is that which would unite, as Napoleon's did, the subtleness and dissimulation of the Italian politician with the firmness and daring of the French revolutionist. But such qualities do not descend with a name. The most unpromising part of the president's coup d'etat is the list of his ministry. This is the melancholy comment on the brag about the Napoleon name. With the exception of Rayneval, evidently appointed because he is too far off to send an immediate refusal, there is not a name to inspire either the army, the bourse, or the Assembly, those fitful powers and pulses of the public, with confidence. The president thinks that his personal unit placed before so many ciphers will make a respectable sum of authority. But this is another mistake; and the announcement of this ministry at first in the non-official column of the Moniteur, pretty clearly explains their position, and the president's misgivings. Had the president attempted this in a recess, and happened to be free from the Assembly for even a few weeks, he might have thrown up some intrenchments, and got some party to rally round him. But, as it is, there is not time. The Assembly met on Friday, and will or may meet again to-day. It cannot be dissolved, cannot be prorogued. Changarnier, the commander of the military force of Paris, is far more in the interests of the Assembly than of the president; and, strange to say, this commander is bound by law to obey the president of the Assembly, not the president of the republic. All this promises one of those conflicts of authority of which the Red Republic was alone considered capable. These same Reds are also, no doubt, watching the quarrel betwixt two fractions of that party which conquered them, with considerable exultation. Already there are symptoms of the citizen class swerving from coercion and martial law to milder and more liberal sentiments. The insurgents of All Strasburg have been acquitted; those now in He flies to her arms in the warlike sense. course of trial before the court of Versailles have, this implies a striking degree of piquancy. it is said, considerable chances of acquittal. Such Would that the secret were known. We all remema verdict at such a moment would create almost ber how much the respectable Juno was indebted an emeute of joy and exultation amongst the repub- to a loan of the bewitching cestus belonging to licans. The opportunities are tempting, the moment dangerous. It was during the dispute between Louis Philippe and M. Barrot that the revolution of February grew into a great fact. It should be taken care that a similar dispute betwixt Louis Napoleon and M. Barrot, for pretty much the same cause, too, that of the chief of the state governing by himself, may not now lead to a similar result. LOLA MONTEZ. BE she Celt of Ireland or of Spain, with the fire of Milesian or of Mauritanian blood in her veins, Lola Montez is an anachronism. She be longs to the age of Archbishop Turpin or the Enchanter Merlin. She has the same disregard of time or place, of safety or appearances, as adventurous damsels of that indefinite age. She wanders forth to seek adventures, hating repose. Europe is her pleasure-ground. She sports with kings, and breaks with them at a freak; she rides off from her Medoro, and appoints him to meet her at breakfast in another kingdom; she accepts titles and fortune, and gives them back again, with the ease of the theatre and the chivalrous romance. The Assemblée Nationale, which seems to perform in Paris the gossiping function of a Belle Assemblée, relates how she broke with her quasihusband Mr. Heald, late of the Dragoon Guards Five days since, Mr. Heald called on the English consul, [at Barcelona,] and said to him, " I am come to ask your advice. I have some friends here who recommend me to abandon my wife; what ought I to do? I am afraid of being assassinated or poisoned. At Perpignan she stabbed me." He then showed a waistcoat stained with blood. The consul replied, "I am astonished that, after the attack you speak of, you had not laid a complaint before the police at Perpignan, and that you have since lived with her on such intimate terms. But if you wish to abandon your wife, I have no advice to give you." He offered, however, to viser his passport for any direction which he might think proper to take. On the same day the parties had quarrelled. On the following [the 18th] Mr. Heald sent to the English Consul for a new passport, and at half-past four o'clock he disappeared. Forty-eight hours after his departure, he wrote to her from Mataro, imploring pardon. He besought her to allow him to return to her feet. He terminated his epistle thus-" If you have ever to complain of me, show me this letter, and it will be your talisman." Mrs. Heald set out next day by the railway, and some hours after brought back Mr. Heald. What Paphian cestus does Lola wind round the blade of her poniard? There must be something very engaging about the terrible fair: kings are captive, and her Lancelot braves, not the blade of others, but her own, when he returns to her. a less regular fair, but the properties of that talisman are still undescribed. Lola seems to have the secret. In the history of King Arthur, if we remembe rightly, is a somewhat parallel case-that of lady who is under a spell through which, at midnight, her favored cavalier is hacked and hewed by a self-acting sword: yet he braved his fate. Se does Heald. How is it? Why does the Red Indian recur to his wilder ness, the Arab to his desert, the dweller on the volcano to that very spot where the earthquake swallowed up his house and the flames blasted his vine? What great things, among worse, this daredevilry has made men achieve! One had thought that it died out with Lady Hamilton or Sir Sidney Smith, with Murat or Pauline Bonaparte; but somehow it reäppears occasionally. The Penny Magazine has not been immortal; Miss Edgeworth's novels are replaced on our shelves by Jane Eyre; Irishmen still continue their fights even as they fought in the days of Brien Boroihme; Mount Etna blazes at will; the stoutest ship learns that the winds are stronger; the cholera and the Lola make the grand tour. - Spectator. From the Examiner. LETTER TO LORD DUDLEY STUART ON THE RECEPTION DUE TO KOSSUTH. A GREAT man never can be made greater by another; he places his own crown on his head. There are many who deem it a high honor to be elected by even a small constituency, whether for a seat in Parliament or some other post of office and profit. Perhaps they are right, in regard to themselves: but I never could comprehend how an illustrious man, by any possibility, can receive an honor, manifest as it is that he may confer one, even by a glance. By bearing a due respect and reverence to such a man, we honor not him but ourselves. We can raise only what is beneath or on a level with us; we cannot raise what we cannot reach. Even the executive power, whatever its denomination, in conferring a dignity or title, must be looked at as a windlass or pulley which lifts up an ornament to its proper place. It is glorious to be either the voluntary advocate or the chosen defender of the unfortunate and oppressed. You are both, my lord, against kings and emperors, presidents and popes. England applauds you: but somewhat larger than England, larger than the seas that surround her, or the lands that lie beyond, applauds you too-your heart. Trees reach their full growth where there are few surrounding them; so do men. We might think you less if we saw a dozen such about you; and perhaps, if there were, you would be. As matters |