Pagina-afbeeldingen
PDF
ePub

regard the escape of any of the refugees as consti- | personal feeling; for it is a national, not an indituting in itself a casus belli; thus, in effect, making vidual question, and individuals are responsible to the sultan the jailer of the objects of his wrath. God and their consciences, nations to God and the Some expedient may be hit upon to arrange the world. What is wanted is a great minister, undispute, for when all parties have an interest embarrassed by external agitation, uncriticized by

against war, adjustment can never be hopeless; but, as the matter stands, it is as difficult of accommodation as insolence and barbarism could make it. At present it is no pleasing reflection that the peace of Europe depends on the passions of one man; and that, a man who has shown so little comprehension of the feelings of the world which put the veto on injustice, and who has evinced so brutal a prop nsity to cruelty and oppression-his power to perpetrate which, vast as it is, is yet happily far short of his evil will.

[To the Editor of the Examiner.]

WHAT IS ENGLAND TO DO?-We have only one alternative-silence or war. Now war is a serious thing. No mere burst of indignation should ever be allowed to hurry England into war. Calmly should the claims of Turkey be weighed, rationally the cost be counted; and if that calm consideration lead to the inevitable conclusion that only by war can the known law of nations be sustained, the independence of Turkey supported, and the English power in the East be preserved from inevitable danger, then, and not until then, should war be declared. It must be well kept in mind that the Hungarian question is altogether foreign

well-meaning but half-informed zeal, but calmly and steadily supported by the quiet confidence of the English people, who trust him for his past services, but who are able to judge him for his future acts, who rationally give and rationally withhold their esteem. We have the minister, let the nation do the rest. Above all, let us not be led to neglect our duty by any dreams of perfect peace.

AN ULTRA-TORY OPINION ON THE QUESTION. -The "Standard," much to its honor, thus writes on the contemplated possibility of war.

Our minister at Constantinople, whose proceedings give the first warning of the impending calamity, is a man of high talents, of immovable temper, and of great experience-one who may well take his place at the head of the diplomacy of Europe. The pretext for the threatened outrage upon the Turkish empire is almost too flimsy to deserve the compliment of an exposure. Some Magyars, subjects of the Emperor of Austria before he broke faith with them, but never subjects of the Austrian empire, and some Poles, allies of these Magyars in a war against the Austrian empire, have taken refuge in the Turkish fortress of Widdin. The czar demands that these unhappy fugitives be

to this case. The casus belli is, not that Kossuth delivered up to him-making no concealment of liberation at the cabinet council suddenly assembled in making the demand, and did not bind Turkey to on Tuesday; and it is well to let our rulers and to comply; that armed succors could not be promised let strangers know, that the persons in this country most opposed to revolutionary changes are not behind their fellow-citizens in resisting everywhere the aggressions of despotism.

and his colleagues are threatened with death, but that certain men who have taken refuge in Turkey are peremptorily demanded by Russia. Turkey alone cannot, without almost culpable rashness, resist this demand. Turkey, supported by England and France, can. Shall we give this support? That is the question. Let us not, with Mr. Cobden, disguise the fact that Russia is strong

-is the great brute-force of the world; but let us understand as well that if we do not act now, she but adds strength to strength. Let us not deny that war is a curse, but let us clearly see that a short war and victory is better than a long war and defeat; that to scotch the boa before he can crush, is somewhat wiser than to wait until he crushes. The question still remains-what are we, the people of England, to do? Were it not well to "bide a wee," and trust our minister? All questions of foreign politics must of necessity be entrusted more implicitly to the minister than any department of home affairs. The nation at large has not at the moment of action the same power of acquiring information that the minister possesses. Our duty is to choose our minister, steadily support him, and then judge him by the results of his acts. We have a minister in whom we can place entire confidence; let us then strengthen his hands to the utmost. The present question seems to me far too grave to be treated of in public meetings, far too momentous for mere expressions of sympathy. It demands far more solemn consideration than any mere utterance of

his purpose of putting them to death. Upon what grounds can such a demand be supported? The Magyars never owed any allegiance to Russia, never offered any injury to the autocrat or his subjects; on the other hand, he has been the aggressor in the war against them from first to last; and if the Poles have been entrapped into a de facto subjection to the Russian despot, in gross violation of the treaty of Vienna, those of the nation escaped to Widdin have committed no offence whatever against the prince who clamors for their blood, no offence which, were they de jure his subjects, as they are de facto, would, according to public law, justify him in touching a hair of their heads. It is impossible to show that the Poles, in alliance with the Magyars, whose case is perfectly pure, have committed any offence against Russia. Upon what pretence, then, can the czar call upon the Turkish government to become accessary to the murder of these unhappy men by delivering them into his hand? The truth is, that it is a quarrel with Turkey, not the blood of a few hundred fugitives, of which the Russian government is in pursuit. Europe is distracted and poor; Russia is free from disorder, and, as we have lately seen, purse-proud; and the time anxiously contemplated by Peter and Katharine-the time for realizing their scheme of annexing Turkey-appears to have arrived. Ought the free states of Europe to submit to this? Ought they to wait until the peremptory demand shall come to London or Paris to deliver up individuals obnoxious to Russian vengeance? They ought not, and we trust they will not, even though war should be the alternative. Sir Stratford Canning plainly knows how the Russian cabinet is to be encountered; and so far we are safe in his hands. Sir Stratford's communication doubtless formed the subject of de

From the Spectator, 6 Oct.

RUSSIA and Turkey-the Wolf and the Lamb these few words almost suffice to describe the spectacle which is before the world this week; for the mere pretext or occasion signifies little. Russia is threatening Turkey, and Austria is helping the Muscovite. The pretext is furnished by the refuge which the vanquished Hungarian leaders and their Polish brothers in arms sought in the Turkish territory.

At the first receipt of the news it was disbelieved, the demand was represented as being so insolently made. Prince Radzivil, the special envoy from St. Petersburg to Constantinople, was said to have demanded the surrender of the fugitives, avowing that they should be put to death, and threatening the Porte with the consequences of refusal. Although the demeanor of Russia to Turkey had traditionally been overbearing, anything so flagrantly indecorous seemed to be incompatible equally with the usages of the present day and the notorious tact of Russian diplomatists.

without special instructions to that effect from Paris and London; but that the English and French gov

ernments would offer their mediation.

How far the English cabinet has resolved to support this position, is not yet known; but it is reported that the English fleet has been ordered to sail from

Malta for the Dardanelles.

THE TURKISH WAR.

Is there to be a war in Turkey, or not? That is the question of the day, and much may be said on both sides of it; the unknown event, however, is marching on without much mercy for the wishes of those who anticipate war with most dislike. If there be war, will England be bound to help Turkey; and whether bound in honor or not, will she do it? Those are questions still more eagerly put, not altogether in the boldest spirit. "I don't think our ministers will have the pluck!" cries the statesman of the "shopocracy," with a sickly sneer, to hide his fears lest they should. And that statesman is precisely the object of alarm to the ministers; whom he despises for fearing himself, internally conscious as he is that there is nothing about him to be really afraid of.

One enormous impediment stands in the way of England's taking part in any war-the financial

Circumstances, however, soon lent corroboration to the report in its substantials. Our own government is evidently moved by some urgent claim on demands for such a purpose. It is a double diffiits attention. The ministerial Globe, and quasi-culty-difficult in itself, and difficult through what ministerial Times, treat the intelligence as grave, opponents may make of it. However ministers and prepare the public mind for some "spirited" may feel nationally and chivalrously bound to supprocedure; the leading journal, however, having a port Turkey, they may naturally shrink from the special eye also to splicing its new anti-absolute immediate consequence at home-war on the Dan

policy on to its recent apologies for Austria and Russia. A cabinet council was suddenly summoned by Lord Palmerston. In short, something was seriously the matter, and Turkey the object of

solicitude.

The later reports wear every appearance of probability, and state the affair in a manner quite comprehensible. It seems that Russia had demanded the surrender of certain persons, her own subjects, namely, natives of Poland; and Austria had made a similar demand as to her subjects, Hungarians. Russia relied on the treaty of Kainarji of 1774, by which Russia and Turkey reciprocally bound themselves to surrender or expel each other's fugitive subjects; Austria, on the treaty of Passarowicz, by which she and Turkey were reciprocally bound to withhold a refuge from rebels and malecontents. The sultan and his government were unanimous in refusing; and the foreign minister addressed a string of questions to the French and English ambassadors, in effect asking whether they considered the Porte bound by the treaties to deliver the fugitives, and whether, if war should be the consequence of refusal, France and England would support the Turkish sovereign with armed succors? The reply of

ube is more income-tar on the Thames. And however Notting Hill and Camberwell may have "come forward" to follow up Lord Palmerston's "spirited protests," it is to be doubted how far they would come forward with the subsidies needful to put those protests into action. It is not impossible that politicians of very dishonest or limited mind might trade on this dilemma-that, while instigating protests and denunciations, they may raise a great outery against unpopular taxation, and strive to force "financial reform" by threatening to oust a ministry that is so audacious as to contemplate an increase of the income-tax. Such sort of intrigue, however transparent, is one by ne means impossible to the smaller class of politicians with whom opportunity is right and personal suc cess better than sacrifice for the welfare of nations

We need not dwell on the other great and glar ing impediment-the natural and cultivated repugnance to war, which must make every statesman pause in resorting to it, and resort to it only when fortified by the firm conclusion that bloodshed, and even the worse calamities of war, are not so bad as the evils entailed upon mankind by default of resistance to gigantic wrong. These considerations

the French and English ambassadors, Sir Stratford would make any statesman pause-would make Canning and General Aupick, was, substantially, any nation hold the advocate of war sternly to that the treaties did not warrant Austria and Russia account.

But it is not to be denied that very considerable Similar influences might befall in political affairs. facilities would, for a time at least, attend the ca- At home, we have got into a very ill-conditioned reer of a war minister. The mere strength and state-a morbid appetite for "reforms," with power derived from singleness of purpose would never a one ripe in public opinion, but a constant place him on inexpugnable vantage-ground. Al- pandering to the appetite by dealers in green crudithough habits of trade and the coddling of extreme ties. Every part of the nation has an unhealthy

civilization have seemed to deaden the innate spirit of physical contest in the English nation, the first "silver snarling" of the war-trumpet would rouse the inborn demon, and English eyes would flash as they have not done for many a year. All peoples, especially the English, affect positive results; and the English have been rather sickened of late by very negative or indeterminate results to their statesmanship; a war minister would have positive, distinct, palpable results enough, and to spare -critical results, highly exciting to the public interests; hopeful results; "glorious" results.

Besides those adventitious attractions, it is not to be maintained that war must necessarily be in all other respects disastrous. That it would be

longing, and no power or vigor to satisfy itself. We should be all the better for breaking this off for a season; and the urgent demands of a wartime would bring us roughly to account. States men would not boggle and falter, asking for

pressure from without" to help them in buckling themselves to their duty: they would soon know what reforms stand for finished ideas in the public mind, and those would become facts accomplished without further delaying, to be got out of the way of action. Mere à priori "reforms," got up to satisfy a crotchet or make an agitation, would be brushed aside with other child's-play. Those larger reform measures which are still baking in the public mind, unmatured, would be put by for

attended with trouble and loss is most certain; a time, to be taken up with more freshness and

nearly as certain that the evil would be anything but unmixed. Many good movements are going on sluggishly and ineptly, which the violent revulsion of a war would stir into life. Upon nations, even as upon individuals, the force of inertness, routine, and false shame, is paralyzing; it is difficult for the most powerful to take heart of grace, break off its long error, and turn over a new leaf. We shall but touch upon instances.

Commerce would be harshly jarred and unsettled, but not altogether unhappily, if after the disturbance it settled again in better channels. We see it to be in many cases in bad channels, but we cannot effect the change, which might perhaps be done at a jerk. At home, our railway habits of trade might not be the worse for some overwhelming deluge of other interests to break off for a time all but the quiet essential part. Abroad, we have got into bad ways-as with Brazil: the attempt to force our morals upon Brazilian conscience betrayed us into false diplomatic relations; our di

resolve in their turn; and probably the ultimate success of such measures would not be really hindered by present postponement. Some measures of justice and common sense might be directly hastened. The luxury of sporting with colonies would be abandoned, to do them substantial justice. The mischievous squadron on the coast of Africa -that great embodied and armed nonsense, which yearly diverts a good round sum, engages our ships, and complicates our relations with friends -would be given up.

Abroad, changes not less happy might be anticipated: embarrassments arising from deference for many an old treaty would be swept away; Austria and Russia, and all their allies, would forfeit 1815: England and France would be set free to negotiate directly with Italy, Hungary, the German nations -ay, and with Poland-and so to bring the peoples once for all into the councils of Europe. Nay, there is no saying what a Turkish war might do for the Russian nobles-those unhappy magnates

plomacy borrowed its coercive power from com- whom one occasionally meets wandering about the merce, and an endless series of inconsistencies has continent, "on leave," stung with a mortified landed us in a quarrel with one of our best cus- sense of degradation to see their compeers of the tomers, of such a kind that we can scarcely take a west, free and independent, travelling where they step towards reconciliation without further incon-list without reporting all their movements to a sistencies. A war might cut that Gordian knot

bureau at home.

No-a war in 1850 would not tend altogether in favor of absolutism. Perhaps, for that very reason, Russia may not go so far as to bring the generosity of France and England to the test.

From the Economist.

for us, oblige us to exchange refinements and entangled questions for essentials, and by forcing us into more direct courses, make us acknowledge the sweet uses of adversity. France is unfair to us; for she does not adequately reciprocate our commercial concessions-perhaps for want of a more thorough understanding, not so much of our economical arguments, as of our sincerity. France At present, our interference is confined to prosuspects us of a cold, calculating selfishness, which tests and remonstrances; but if they are not suocares little what wrong is done so that we escape cessful, and Russia persists in attacking Turkey, the responsibilities and the consequences. Were they will be followed by acts, and the whole the two countries compelled to fight side by side power of England will be put forth to aid for justice to Europe, a better understanding could Turkey and beat back the Northern Bear. scarcely fail to grow up, and France would learn, war between Russia and Turkey on such a out of mere good fellowship, to show a better faith pretext would be followed by a war between in consulting mutual interests. Russia and England, and probably between

Russia and France. Austria must be involved in it on the side of Russia, by whose arrogance Europe is threatened with a far worse war than that which Russia sent its forces into Hungary to quell.

There can be no doubt whatever that the conduct of Russia, in arrogantly making such a demand, and in threatening to support it by force of arms, violates the laws of nations. She aspires, then, to make a new code of national laws, and be the sole legislator for Europe. This cannot be allowed. No one of the great powers is so weak in such a contest as Russia. She can have no efficient allies. Austria is too much involved in Italy and Hungary to be able to render her any material assistance. Italy would probably be invaded by the French, and under their auspices would again rise, most probably with much greater success than in 1848, to chase away the Austrians. Hungary, not yet pacified, and no longer cordially united with Austria, hating Russia as the instrument of her subjugation, would probably again be urged into insurrection. All the German subjects of Austria must be opposed to measures involving the possibility of such occurrences, and must be disinclined to see Russian power predominant. A war which would set loose in Austria all the elements of disorder, would be fatal to its greatness. Austria, in such a contest, can afford Russia no efficient aid.

The finances of Russia are not in a condition to enable her to enter into a war with England and France. She has, too, a little war on her hands with the Circassians, which might become a great internal war embracing the bulk of her Mahometan population, were she to engage in a contest with Turkey, England, and France. We trust, therefore, that a true sense of his own position, and the language used by our government, will be sufficient to make the Emperor of Russia sensible that he has taken a wrong step. He will, probably, listen to reason and the remonstrances of England and France. We hope there will be no war. The people of Europe want peace. For nothing did they hate political change so much as that it disturbed peace, and they will not pardon in the Emperor of Russia that which they have loudly and fiercely condemned in all the demagogues and revolutionists of the age.

Should the emperor fancy that his honor is concerned, and that he cannot retreat should his success over the Hungarians inspire him with a notion that he can succeed in whatever he undertakes there is but one course for England. She cannot suffer the autocrat to dictate the laws of Europe. She is pledged to uphold the Turkish empire, and she cannot allow the czar to dismember it at his pleasure. She has her Indian empire to look to, and cannot allow Turkey to be incorporated with Russia. It is seldom that so good a

cause as this justifies the employment of our armed force in foreign contests. This, too, has suddenly come on us. The armies of Russia are no doubt ready to proceed from Hungary to Turkey, and can only be stopped by a resolute action on our part. Such a case brings the arbitration theory of the universal peace party to the test. It has espoused the cause of Hungary; it would like to see the Hungarian and Polish refugees protected from the wrath of the emperor; but England, in such a case, relying on asbitration, and disarmed, would be constrained to see the rights of hospitality and the laws of nations violated. She would then be a consenting party to inflicting a great outrage on humanity, and giving the last blow to the inde pendence of Hungary and Poland.

THE DYING BOY.

[We do not know to whom to credit the following lines.] Он, I long to lie, dear mother,

On the cool and fragrant grass,
With nought but the sky above my head
And the shadowing clouds that pass.

And I want the bright, bright sunshine
All round about my bed;
I will close my eyes, and God will think
Your little boy is dead!

Then Christ will send an Angel

To take me up to him;
He will bear me slow and steadily,
Far through the ether dim.

He will gently, gently lay me
Close to the Saviour's side,
And when I'm sure that we're in heaven,
My eyes I'll open wide.

And I'll look among the Angels
That stand about the Throne,
Till I find my sister Mary,

For I know that she is one.

And when I find her, mother,

We will go away alone,

And I will tell her how we've mourned
All the while she has been gone.

Oh! I shall be delighted

To hear her speak again-
Though I know she 'll ne'er return to us-
To ask her would be vain!

So I'll put my arms around her,
And look into her eyes,
And remember all I said to her,
And all her sweet replies.

And then I'll ask the Angel
To take me back to you-
He'll bear me slow and steadily,
Down through the ether blue.

And you 'll only think, dear mother,
I have been out at play,

And have gone to sleep beneath a tree,
This sultry summer day.

[merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small]

SHORT ARTICLES.-Austrian Perfidy, 303.-Cause of Ineffectual Preaching, 322.
POETRY.-The Shut-up One, (with an Illustration); St. Peter's Tears; Reasons for Risibility

318.-The Dying Boy, 335.

PROSPECTUS. This work is conducted in the spirit of Littell's Museum of Foreign Literature, (which was favor ably received by the public for twenty years,) but as it is twice as large, and appears so often, we not only give spirit and freshness to it by many things which were excluded by a month's delay, but while thus extending our scope and gathering a greater and more attractive variety, are able so to increase the solid and substantial part of our literary, historical, and political harvest, as fully to satisfy the wants of the American reader.

The elaborate and stately Essays of the Edinburgh, Quarterly, and other Reviews; and Blackwood's noble criticisms on Poetry, his keen political Commentaries, highly wrought Tales, and vivid descriptions of rural and mountain Scenery; and the contributions to Literature, History, and Common Life, by the sagacious Spectator, the sparkling Examiner, the judicious Athenæum, the busy and industrious Literary Gazette, the sensible and comprehensive Britannia, the sober and respectable Christian Observer; these are intermixed with the Military

now becomes every intelligent American to be informed of the condition and changes of foreign countries. And this not only because of their nearer connection with our selves, but because the nations seem to be hastening through rapid process of change, to some new state of things, which the merely political prophet cannot compute or foresee.

a

Geographical Discoveries, the progress of Colonization, (which is extending over the whole world,) and Voyages and Travels, will be favorite matter for our selections; and, in general, we shall systematically and very fully acquaint our readers with the great department of Foreign affairs, without entirely neglecting our own.

While we aspire to make the Living Age desirable to all who wish to keep themselves informed of the rapid progress of the movement-to Statesmen, Divines, Lawyers, and Physicians-to men of business and men of leisure-it is still a stronger object to make it attractive and useful to their Wives and Children. We believe that we can thus do some good in our day and generation; and

and Naval reminiscences of the United Service, and with hope to make the work indispensable in every well-inthe best articles of the Dublin University, New Monthly, formed family. We say indispensable, because in this Fraser's, Tait's, Ainsworth's, Hood's, and Sporting Mag- day of cheap literature it is not possible to guard against azines, and of Chambers' admirable Journal. We do not consider it beneath our dignity to borrow wit and wisdom from Punch; and, when we think it good enough, make use of the thunder of The Times. We shall increase our variety by importations from the continent of Europe, and from the new growth of the British colonies.

The steamship has brought Europe, Asia and Africa, into our neighborhood; and will greatly multiply our connections, as Merchants, Traveliers, and Politicians, with all parts of the world; so that much more than ever it

TERMS. The LIVING AGE IS published every Saturday, by E. LITTELL & Co., corner of Treinont and Bromfield sis., Boston; Price 121 cents a number, or six dollars a year in advance. Remittances for any period will be thankfully received and promptly attended to. To insure regularity in mailing the work, orders should be addressed to the office of publication, as above.

Clubs, paying a year in advance, will be supplied as follows:

[ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small]

the influx of what is bad in taste and vicious in morals, in any other way than by furnishing a sufficient supply of a healthy character. The mental and moral appetite must be gratified.

We hope that, by "winnowing the wheat from the chaff," by providing abundantly for the imagination, and by a large collection of Biography, Voyages and Travels, History, and more solid matter, we may produce a work which shall be popular, while at the same time it will aspire to raise the standard of public taste.

Agencies. We are desirous of making arrangements, in all parts of North America, for increasing the circulation of this work and for doing this a liberal commission will be allowed to gentlemen who will interest themselves in the business. And we will gladly correspond on this subject with any agent who will send us undoubted refer

ences.

Postage. When sent with the cover on, the Living Age consists of three sheets, and is rated as a pamphlet, at 44 cents. But when sent without the cover, it comes within the definition of a newspaper given in the law, and cannot legally be charged with more than newspaper postage, (1) cts.) We add the definition alluded to :

A newspaper is "any printed publication, issued in numbers, consisting of not more than two sheets, and published at short, stated intervals of not more than one month, conveying intelligence of passing events."

Monthly parts. For such as prefer it in that form, the Living Age is put up in monthly pa parts, containing four Or five weekly numbers. In this shape it shows to great advantage in comparison with other works, containing in each part double the matter of any of the quarterlies. But we recommend the weekly numbers, as fresher and fuller of life. Postage on the monthly parts is about 14 cents. The volumes are published quarterly, each volume containing as much matter as a quarterly review gives in eighteen months.

WASHINGTON, 27 DEC., 1845. Or all the Periodical Journals devoted to literature and science which abound in Europe and in this country, this has appeared to me to be the inost useful. It contains indeed the exposition only of the current literature of the English language, but this by its immense extent and comprehension includes a portraiture of the human mind in the utinost expansion of the present age.

J. Q. ADAMS.

« VorigeDoorgaan »