greatly rejoice that Hamburg has given its influ- courts, and diplomatic notes fraught with hypocrisy ence for the accomplishment of this scheme. By and sophistry. Though she had voluntarily exthe constitution, that free and intelligent city is cluded herself from a true German union, governed by a central power and general legislative bodies, accorded a preeminent share in the representation by her special constitution of the 4th of March; in both houses of the federal legislature, in which and though she had formally refused to enter into a it cannot fail to have the influence which its im- confederacy with such a union, formed under the portance deserves. This must be regarded as a auspices of Prussia; she insisted upon her right of great guarantee that the policy of the confederation having the lead in reorganizing Germany-and, in will, especially in commercial objects, be more his note of the 16th of May, to the Prussian extraor enlightened than has hitherto prevailed in Ger- dinary ambassador, M. de Canitz, Prince Schwarmany. Prussia has always used her influence zenburg tried to prove that the revolution could be put down in Germany only by the cooperation of against the progress of the southern states for in- Austria; that Prussia was quite unable to do so by creasing the protective duties, and in favor of a herself; and as he had no material assistance to liberal tariff. And now, when she will be strength- offer, and, forgetting that Austria is bankrupt in ened by the accession of Hamburg, we have every reputation, he did not hesitate to offer moral support, confidence that a great reform will be made in the hinting openly to the sympathies of southern Gercommercial system now in use. many. Such sympathies do exist, because, by the bigoted Catholic clergy in Bavaria, &c., Prussia is Hamburg will cease to be a free port. But constantly denounced as the bulwark of heresy, and Hamburg is, at present, free only for itself, while they would fain make their ignorant votaries believe it is essentially the port of Germany, in respect to that every Prussian is an incarnation of the devil which all its freedom vanishes. No duties are with a tail and cloven feet. But these prejudices collected in Hamburg; but very high protecting are on the wane in the same proportion as the duties are now collected upon their imports, a iniquity of the Austrian and Bavarian governments few miles out of Hamburg, in whichever direc- begins to stare in the eyes even of the dullest minds. At the present moment the positions are matetion they go. How infinitely more important will rially changed. Hungary, as Paskiewitch says in it be that the influence of Hamburg shall be used his despatch announcing the surrender of Görgey, in liberalizing the whole policy of Germany, than lies prostrate at the feet of the czar; and Austria, simply in retaining a system, however valuable in though out at the elbows, stands with her arms itself, which extends to scarcely a twentieth part a-kimbo, resolved to take the German affairs seriously of the population for whom the merchants of into hand with her helpmate Bavaria, who hopes to Hamburg are employed. Of what value would it get part of the lion's share. The Prussian govbe to England, were London and Liverpool free sisted its worst enemy in subduing Hungary, by ernment begins to veer round. After having asports, if all produce and materials, on leaving for allowing Russian troops to pass through Silesia; the interior, were exposed to heavy protective after having forfeited the sympathies of many patri duties? What London and Liverpool are to Eng-ots in all Germany, by refusing the imperial crown land, Hamburg is to Germany. With a view, therefore, only of advancing their own interests, by extending a free commercial policy throughout Germany, the citizens of Hamburg have pursued, in our estimation, a wise and enlightened course, in throwing the whole weight of their influence into the Prussian confederation, and thus doing much to counteract the projects and designs of Austria, in every way opposed to their principles

and interests.

From the Examiner, 22d Sept. THE CONDITION AND PROSPECTS OF GERMANY. THE subjoined letter was written without any view to publication. But it very ably expresses the views of an intelligent and impartial German on the probable solution of the great problem of German unity, and we have obtained permission to lay it before our readers.

When I wrote you last, there were hopes that Prussia would succeed in consolidating a German confederation, with a general national assembly, an upper house, a council of the princes, and the King of Prussia as the president of the union, before Austria and Russia could disengage themselves from the Hungarian troubles. To counteract that salutary end, Austria had nothing at her disposal, then, but underhand intrigues at the small royal

offered by the national assembly, by the manner in which it has behaved in the Danish war, by annihicember, and by forcing upon Prussia a new law of lating its own constitution given on the 5th of Deelection, it is obliged to fall back on its allies of the old régime, Russia and Austria. We see how it veers round in the explanations on its German policy, which it laid, some days ago, before the first and second chambers, through its commissaries, M. de Bulow and M. de Radowitz; and we find that the plan proposed by the three kings, of Prussia, Hanover, and Saxony, for the constitution of all Germany, except the Austrian provinces, is already antiquated, in as far as it is given to understand that Prussia cannot sacrifice its old alliances against advantages that are at best uncertain, because the unanimous consent of all the German governments is very doubtful.

The truly liberal party in Germany is now everywhere kept down by violent means. Its heads, stigmatized by the names of demagogues, republicans, socialists, communists, &c., are forced to fly their country, unless they choose to be capitally or criminally tried by their political adversaries. The most respectable men are shot as rebels, imprisoned, or driven from place and home, promiscuously with the mauvais sujets that deserve no better. Even the members of the national assembly who had been recalled by their governments, but, as German patriots, preferred to obey the decrees of that assembly, in migrating with what remained of it from Frankfort to Stutgart, are imprisoned in Bavaria, and threatened to be tried for high treason in Prussia.

The holy alliance is in a fair way of outdoing itself, of outheroding Herod.

Prussia, therefore, and Austria, will now take the arrangement of the German affairs into their hands jointly. They have the power again; and all they promised and executed since March, 1848, was only done with a reservation that they should continue to be powerless. The reactionary party, with a tuft and place-hunting nobility at their head, and in league with the family interests of the sovereigns, are seriously bent upon bringing back the good olden times, when the anointed of the Lord and his special and loyal favorites were, with the assistance of priestcraft and a hired soldiery, recklessly fleecing a flock of bipeds created for their support. But as long as Germany shall be inhabited by its present race, it cannot become like China; nor can the democratic principles of Christianity be thoroughly eradicated in civilized Europe, even though our modern saints do all in their power to reduce it to a hollow form.

who must not be enlightened, lest they should begin to think and to have a will of their own, instead of obeying. This is the counter-revolution that, at the present moment, thinks it is powerful again, and is resolved to use its power for going the full length towards bringing back the old régime.

The other tendency is that which does not consider either the power of the governments sufficiently great, or the victory gained sufficiently decisive, to attempt a counter-revolution. Absolutism is likewise what it drives at; but it sees that standing still or going back is impossible, and that a progressive movement is indispensable for the purpose of making advances to certain ideas of the age by certain forms; though there ought to be no essential change in the practical results. It would affect liberal appearances, and prefer concessions to violence; as the latter would be risking too much.

because the people there labor under many disadvantages, but because they consider them as breeding places of revolutionary ideas.

These tendencies are struggling for superiority in the cabinets, though in fact they aim at the same end. They both wish to put down republicanism If not the crowned heads themselves, yet the throughout Europe, and they likewise agree in statesmen in the cabinets must have learned some-thinking the small German states a nuisance, not thing within the two last memorable years. Besides, some of the most essential reforms have struck such deep roots within that short period, that they cannot be put down. In Austria religious toleration must be realized, even through that assembly of the Protestant dignitaries which first met at the call of the government of Vienna on the 24 of August, when it moved in solemn procession to the Protestant meeting-house, and proclaimed its confession to be on a level with that of its Catholic brethren.

Thus we may confidently hope that, although Austria, lying prostrate at the feet of the czar, will have an active hand in managing the new organization of German politics, we shall not return to the old régime. The new central power that is to be installed by Prussia and Austria jointly, will no doubt be considered as being de jure a successor to the old German Diet, and as operating on the basis of the treaties of 1815; but de facto it will be compelled to grant many salutary innovations, especially a general national representation, as Austria will not scruple to violate her constitution of the 4th of March. One should, however, be a conjurer to foresee what will be the state of our internal constitution or affairs a six-month hence, and whether Germany will become one, two, or seven.

That the Congress of Peace should have been sitting at the very time when so many countries were actually bleeding, is a curious coincidence. But whether the great continental cabinets be plotting to exterminate every republic in Europe, from France down to Lubeck, or whether France herself be privy to a new holy alliance of which Prussia and Germany are to be the victims, we may regard the rumors of such matters as at least the smoke indicating that the diplomates are busily employed in their laboratories.

One fact is certain, that the continental cabinets consider the movement of 1848, which has shaken the foundations of so many governments, as a phenomenon, whose principle they are determined to uproot. It is a general crusade against what they call the revolution, that they are about.

But there are two tendencies in the cabinets. The one knows nothing about ideas; all history is to it but a play of intrigue and power; progress and reform are but concessions that are marks of weakness; it knows but an absolute government and an obedient people, whose persons and property are at the disposal of the sovereign and his retinue, and

The unity of Germany or of Italy (countries which in so many respects are similarly circumstanced, as being the battle-fields for the rest of the European countries, never-failing objects for their policy, and an inexhaustible source for defraying the expense of other nations' wars) will not be acknowledged by the cabinets as a national or European desideratum, because it is a demand raised by the revolution.

But if Germany were united it would give a different direction to the whole policy of Europe; and it is next to impossible that the German powers should altogether overlook their vocation of rendering their country less insignificant. They must see that the interest of their own families is at variance here with the interest of the nation at large, and that they should forfeit every claim to respect and love if they did sacrifice the latter to their selfish ends. Thus the liberal as well as the counter-revolutionary absolutisms are compelled to shift their direction against their will.

This is especially true as regards Prussia. However much her cabinet inclines to absolutism or despotism, however great the abhorrence in which it holds a true and effectual constitution, founded of course on democratic principles, yet she cannot withdraw from the mission that happens to be allotted to her. She cannot become the ally of a league whose object it is to uphold absolutism and legitimacy at any rate, to oppose political and social progress, and to repress that development which freedom and independence bestow on the life of a nation. She has become great through Protestantism, wherefore she cannot fetter the spirit of free inquiry; she has done so much for public instruction, and has been so proud of being called the intellectual state de préférence, that now she cannot shrink from the results of a high development of intellect. Prussia has, through the assistance of democracy, whose principle she embraced in 1806, risen from her deep fall to a considerable height; and she has so often boasted of having obtained all the results of the revolution by progressive reform, that she cannot now declare open war to democracy, or turn back and call every reform an emanation from the revolutionary principle.

Prussia has promised so much that her honor

demands that she should keep her word, and to in Paris, writes an "Oh! fie" letter to Rome. Prussia still all sensible Germans look up as their and warns whom it may concern that France has a leader towards a better time. She has already flag in the Eternal City, and is going to be trionce braved all the rest of Europe, having England for an ally; and if she were once more to unfurl her banner, and in a cause so truly noble, Germany believes and trusts that assistance would not be wanting from the same quarter. Weimar, August 31, 1849.

From the Spectator, 15 Sept. POSITION OF ROME AND HER CHURCH.

ECCLESIASTICAL affairs partake of the disorder which prevails in every branch of polity, and therefore extraordinary interest is felt in every step that may give a new turn to the stream of events, or furnish the nucleus around which the floating fragments may form a resting-place.

color in policy again. The pontificate has gone back to the days of Leo the Twelfth-only the pontiff is out of town; France is in possession not of Ancona but of Rome itself-having come to pray, remains to scoff, and intimates that she will not be insulted by the ungrateful pontificate.

The manifest loosening of the territorial tenure heretofore held by the head of the Roman Catholic Church has suggested a report, to the effect that the organization of that church is to be revised; each great division of it, according to political geography, acquiring a practical independence, with a kind of federal relation to the central authority. In other words, the idea has been broached, of breaking up the unity which the church retained through the headship of Rome.

It is under these circumstances that an ecclesi

astical council is summoned at Paris, for Monday next, at the seminary of St. Sulpice.

The bishops of the province of Paris (says the Univers) will alone take part in it. There will perhaps also be present the Archbishop of Chalcedonia, and two bishops of a neighboring province, who have requested permission to attend at this first assembly of their colleagues. Amongst the priests present at the council will be some grand vicars, and some theologians brought there by the bishops and the delegates of the chapters of the province. The superiors of the societies, which have their place of meeting in Paris, will be also invited. There will be no external ceremony; the rites marked out in the Pontifical will be followed. The

Among many questions which excite the most vivid curiosity, is the relation of France to the Church of Rome. It has for a long time been peculiar, acknowledging spiritual suzerainté rather than direct spiritual sovereignty in the Pope; and the conflict of councils on that head has grown more perplexing of late years. The affair of the Archbishop of Cologne, though a foreign transaction, served to shake the faith in the pontifical authority still further than it had been. The preaching of De la Mennais, whose mystic sentimentalism tended to gratify the religious instinct, while it overruled the dogmatic power, has gained ground so far as to occasion a direct denunciation from the actual incumbent of St. Peter's chairif incumbent he can be called who has fallen off and is afraid to get on again. Nevertheless, towards the close of Louis Philippe's reign, there time will be divided between labor and prayer; everything will take place with all the seriousness had been so long, strong, and steady a reaction which the church commands. No vain discusupon the blank scepticism of the two previous gen- sions, and particularly none connected with polerations, as to give hopes of what the Scotch itics, will take place. Time cannot be lost in would call a wholesale "revival" in the Gallican useless words, for in the space of a week or ten Church; a reaction partially exhibited in an enor- days it is proposed to treat of the following matters: 1. Profession of faith; Provincial Councils; mous increase of religious publications. It was an effect of that reaction, aided no doubt by the Suffragans; Bishops; Canons; Curés, Vicars, and Diocesan Synods; Reports from Metropolitans and personal character of the late Archbishop of Paris, Priests. 2. Uniformity of discipline to be estaband even of some leading schismatics, that the last lished in the province; project of provincial statrevolution was characterized by a marked differ- utes; catechism for the province. 3. Diocesan ence from the first, in the absence of any anti- officialties; desservants; infirm priests; forbidden religious movement. Another effect was the at- priests. 4. Ecclesiastical studies; faculty of thetempt of the competitors for power, notably theology; examination of a project of reorganization; seminaries, institutions, and free schools; school provisional government and the actual president, of the Carmes. 5. Question of the immaculate to coquette with Rome for an alliance with the conception; examination and condemnation of some papal authority. Pius the Ninth, whose sallies contemporaneous errors. All these matters will be in the direction of reform never blinded us to his examined in private assemblies, and be voted on at intellectual deficiencies, missed his way-took the general meeting. The decrees are brought forflight to Gaeta-and now, quite bewildered, has ward by the bishops alone in session, with the accustomed solemnity. placed himself, like an old Pope of the most degenerate days, in a commission of absolutist cardinals. The French government had considerably stretched its ex officio republicanism to bring the papal alliance within its resources, and had sent an army to restore the pontifical Louis Philippe to the Vatican; but the pontifical Louis Philippe declares that he is a very Charles Dix, and LouisNapoleonic France cannot go quite so far back as that. So the prince president, neven de mon oncle," and humble servant of the powers that be


Enough matter and to spare for a ten days' discussion! It is hardly possible that the actual position of the Roman Catholic Church as a whole should be overlooked, even if the consideration of it be not deliberately contemplated under some of the heads indicated in the programme. Unless it be excluded altogether, very startling ideas are likely to be thrown out, and "the point of the wedge" will probably be introduced at this part.

Unless, indeed, a wholly new spirit should man

ifest itself with sufficient power to make a last race, because their only hope was in total revolustand for the Church of Rome. Pius the Ninth tion. No recognition of the national rights of was supposed to intend the step of assimilating | Hungary could have satisfied them; but it was the constitution and regimen of the church to the precisely the excesses to which they had contribgenius of the age; but if ever he entertained the uted which brought down upon them the whole design, he has failed, and takes refuge in reaction. force of the north, and terminated the campaign. The Council of Paris cannot supply the fatal omission. But possibly, feeling its want of authority and of influence sufficient to cope with so vast a subject, it might start the project of a Great Council of the whole church. We speak under correction in expressing the belief that a council possesses supreme power within the church-higher than that of the Pope himself. If so, the council might revise the constitution and regimen of the church, as Pius the Ninth was expected to do; only that the revision would be effected with greater breadth and completeness. It is probable, indeed, that the Romish Church may prove essentially incapable of this expansive and progressive modification; and, in that case, the conflicts of councils which we note may be regarded as the signs of its final disruption.

From the London Times, of Sept. 19.

Moreover, the cabinet of St. Petersburg, extending its observation to the rest of Europe, was well aware that the triumph or defeat of the Hungarian insurrection was not a question confined to the frontiers of that kingdom. Its consequences embraced the whole of Southern Germany. Already, in October last year, Hungary had kindled the conflagration in Vienna which rivalled the horrors of the Parisian days of June, when the Polish Bem and the Saxon Robert Blum conspired to overthrow the monarchical institutions of Germany in the heart of her greatest capital. However patriotic the intentions of some of the Magyars may have been, their cause was identified elsewhere with the explosion of those frantic doctrines and acts of violence which had so recently spread terror and destruction through so many of the fairest cities of Europe. At one moment the policy of M. Kossuth had been daringly aggressive; had he become undisputed master of Hungary, it would probably, or rather perforce, have become so again. The termination of the Hungarian war has interrupted a series of calamities to which it is not easy to assign bounds.

But to

THE Emperor of Russia has withdrawn his troops from Hungary with a promptitude and sincerity which are more calculated to increase his weight and influence in the affairs of Europe than But, whilst we express our satisfaction that the any concessions of territory wrung from an enfee- blind enthusiasm of some of our contemporaries bled ally, or any act of hostile defiance to the has not been gratified at so enormous a price as other states which surround the frontiers of his a prolonged European convulsion, we have never empire. We are not surprised at the haughty concealed our regret that no other means of avertand self-applauding language of the proclamations ing it could be employed with effect, and we conin which the Russian autocrat has thanked his cur with some of our habitual antagonists in viewarmies and celebrated their triumph. Nor do we ing with dissatisfaction the increase which has regret that the harshness of some of the expressions thereby accrued to the power and influence of contained in these documents should be such as to Russia. That the fact is so, is generally acknowlmake the Austrian ministers feel how little such edged, and no less generally deplored, because we acts of friendship are to be coveted or accepted. have yet to learn that the armies and agents of The Emperor Nicholas took up arms against the Russia are to be regarded as the champions of imHungarian insurrection partly from a desire to ex-provement, and it fares but ill with freedom and tricate the house of Austria from the formidable civilization if they are to be the defenders of Eudifficulties which had been aggravated by the open rope from the most grievous excesses. and by the clandestine enmity of other powers. But what cause are we to attribute this augmentation the principal and decisive consideration which led of the European ascendency of Russia, which him to enter upon this campaign was the extreme those who are so ready to call revolutions liberty danger to which the possible success of the Hun- observe and deprecate as we do ourselves? Evgarian republic, assisted by the most daring sol- idently to the occurrence of those very convulsions diers of the Polish emigration, obviously exposed which their puerile enthusiasm was so eager to the most unsettled portion of his own dominions. applaud; and, secondly, to the extraordinary posiMany thousand Poles fought in the ranks of the tion of British diplomacy on the continent, which Magyars. Dembinski and Bem exercised a de- some of them have the intrepidity or the ignorance gree of control over the military plans of M. Kos- to defend. Whatever Russia has gained has been suth's government which might subserve their own by the weakness of others, rather than by her own ulterior objects, but which was highly unpalatable strength-by opportunities of influence which of to such men as Görgey, who probably entertains fered themselves to her more readily than if she the wonted aversion of the Magyars to their Sarmatian neighbors. These foreign auxiliaries had contributed to make the breach between the Hungarians and the house of Austria irreparable, by encouraging the deposition of the emperor and his

had sought them-by calamities which threw others prostrate whilst she remained erect, and which left her mistress of her policy and resources, whilst all the other continental states were without force, and without will. In other words, the

revolution which paralyzed the other governments | those factions which have weakened and convulsed of Europe left her the more free to pursue her own the continental states of Europe, but he owes course, even against their aberrations, so that we may venture to affirm that no combination of circumstances could have been so favorable to the extension of the power of Russia as that sudden and irrational outbreak which swept away the habitual checks to her policy. The Emperor Nicholas made use of his position with great forbearance and moderation; but, had his ambition From the London Literary Gazette. been of a more active kind, he would have found IMPORTANT DISCOVERY IN VENTILATION. that his most effectual auxiliaries abroad were precisely those liberals who professed the keenest Ar a time when cholera, with an appalling voice, hostility to his policy, but who had destroyed the calls the most earnest attention to house ventilation, system by which that policy was controlled. The and dreadful explosions and loss of life in mines conflict between a regular and absolute govern-demand no less efforts to devise means for the prement, conducting its affairs with skill and secrecy, vention of these calamities, we have much satisfacand disposing of great military resources, and a tion in anticipating that human residences may fluctuating, irregular, and irresponsible popular easily be supplied with a continual circulation of power, whose resources are dispersed, and whose wholesome air, and the most dangerous subterradiplomacy is in the street, can have but one ter-neous works be preserved against accident from mination.

at least an equal debt of gratitude to that English minister who based his policy on the chances of these revolutionary adventurers, and at once threw aside the principles and the power which this country had so long adhered to and enjoyed in her foreign relations.

foul currents of fire-damp. Dr. Chowne has enrolled a patent for Improvements in Ventilating Rooms and Apartments, of the perfect efficacy of which, we believe, there cannot be a doubt, and on a principle at once most simple and unexpected. Without going into details at present, we may state that the improvements are based upon an action in the siphon which had not previously attracted the notice of any experimenter, viz., that if fixed with legs of unequal length, the air rushes into the shorter leg, and circulates up, and discharges itself from the longer leg. It is easy to see how readily this can be applied to any cham

One country, indeed, besides Russia, remained entirely exempt from these infirmities of revolution; the measures of the British Foreign-office were never taken with greater freedom from external pressure or popular debility; and if they have failed it has been, not from necessity, but from choice. Nevertheless, even when an effort has been made by this country to oppose or counteract a tendency which she disapproved, it has so happened that she has not only succumbed, but has actually contributed to promote the result least acceptable to British policy. We have seen it asserted that in the Danish mediation Lord Pal-ber, in order to purify its atmosphere. Let the merston succeeded in defeating the intentions of the Russian cabinet in the Baltic. A more erroneous statement was never made, for the settlement which was ultimately adopted was precisely that which Count Nesselrode had sanctioned, and every important point in the negotiation and the war was determined, not by English suggestions, but by Russian declarations. It was well known that the Emperor Nicholas was resolved and pre-upper decks. The curiosity of this discovery is pared to act, though with reluctance, and that we

were not.

orifice of the shorter leg be disposed where it can receive the current, and lead it into the chimney, (in mines, into the shafts,) so as to convert that chimney or shaft into the longer leg, and you have at once the circulation complete. A similar air-siphon can be employed in ships, and the lowest holds, where disease is generated in the close berths of the crowded seamen, be rendered as fresh as the

that air in a siphon reverses the action of water, or other liquid, which enters and descends or moves So, also, in the affair of Moldavia and Wallachia; down in the longer leg and rises up in the shorter when England protested against the Russian occu- leg! This is now a demonstrable fact; but how is pation, and was even said to have fomented the the principle to be accounted for? It puzzles our warlike spirit of the Porte, the Russian cabinet philosophy. That air in the bent tube is not to the simply took no notice of our remonstrances, and surrounding atmosphere as water, or any heavier declared it should continue to hold the country. body, is evident; and it must be from this relation In Italy and Sicily, when it was found that the that the updraft in the longer leg is caused, and the weight of England was thrown on the side of the constant circulation and withdrawal of polluted revolution, the credit and influence of Russia gases carried on. But, be this as it may, one thing increased in a compound ratio with all the govern- | is certain—that a more useful and important discovments we had estranged from ourselves; and, to ery has never been made for the comfort and health crown these exploits of our foreign policy, our of civilized man. We see no end to its application. persecution of the interests of Austria contributed There is no sanitary measure suggested to which it to send her as a suppliant to Warsaw until Rus- may not form a most beneficial adjunct. There is sian armies appeared on the Lower Danube. not a hovel, a cellar, a crypt, or a black, close hole anywhere, that it may not cleanse and disinfect. We trust that no time will be lost in bringing it to the public test on a large scale, and we foresee no

If, therefore, the Emperor of Russia has reason to view his present political position with pride and satisfaction, he may thank, in the first instance,

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