the Canadas for a separation, when that should prosperous countries of common origin on that become inevitable; and the only proper training Northern American continent: the one embracing to this great end is the exercise of responsible the present British territories, and possibly the government. Lord Elgin had manfully proclaimed New England States; the other, the Northern and this principle, and throughout his administration Western States of the present North American of affairs has acted upon it honestly and ably. Union. This is a natural necessity. Great Britain The objects which the great liberal party, not only in Canada, but in all the British provinces of North America, have secretly or avowedly at heart, are none other than economical government, and a federal union of the colonies. In plain English, they desire the resumption of waste lands; the introduction of a scale of remuneration for public servants adapted to the social circumstances of the colonies, not, as at present, to those of the mother country; and the organization of a central independent government. We do not assert that these objects are at this moment as broadly and distinctly present in the minds of the provincialists as we have represented them; but to that point they will inevitably come. It was about the year 1750 that Franklin prepared a federal union of the then ex would be a gainer, not a loser by it; and that the consummation may be brought about in a friendly spirit, without the intervention of émeutes or wars, is plainly both the interest and duty of the British people and the British government, as well as of the whole Anglo-Norman population on the other side of the Atlantic. From the Examiner, 8 Sept. LORD PALMERSTON'S HUNGARIAN POLICY. It is but natural that the same parties who have done all in their power to misrepresent the Hungarian cause, should desire to make us believe that the relations which subsisted between Hungary and the house of Austria have never, before isting British colonies in America, which, dropping the late events, been an object of solicitude to British diplomacy. But the Times, in its eager the important article of dependence on the British crown, is the exact counterpart of the constitution ness to attack Lord Palmerston, has forgotten altoultimately adopted by the United States. Frank-gether the prominent part taken in past times by lin did not foresee that this constitution of 1750 British diplomatists, when there was an occasion necessarily implied and led to independence; but for their good offices with regard to those relait did so. From the moment he gave shape in tions. that document, to the vague wishes of his country- In 1703 the Hungarians, unable any longer to men, and that its principles laid hold on the pub- endure the civil and religious tyranny of the house lic imagination, the separation of the provinces of Hapsburg, rose under the leadership of Francis pronounce parties interested,) in their declaration it must be, if we follow the Times) to mean the and manifestoes, distinctly called upon all the con- overthrow of existing independence, and the substitutional powers of Europe, not to look with in- stitution of military despotism for civil government from England was inevitable. It would have taken place without the intervention of the deplorable Stamp Act or Boston Leaguer, and even though George Grenville had never been born. The British North American provinces are not far from having attained the same stage of social development to which the "old thirteen" had arrived in 1750. The first step towards the erection of the British North American provinces into an independent state has been taken. The men of Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, the Hudson's Bay territory, and the islands of the St. Lawrence, will sooner or later be self-governed, like the men of England and the United States. They also are essentially English; but with important local differences of character. They differ from the men of the mother country in their American peculiarities; and from those of the United States in the sentiments inherited from the French founders of Canada, from the loyalist refugees of Acadia, and from the retired military and naval officers and Scotch Highlanders settled in the upper province. Their peculiar and valuable national spirit would be as much endangered by annexation to the government at Washington, as by complete subjection to the government at Saint James'. Social necessities, and the healthy progress of mankind, require two independent states in North America. It is impossible to foresee the exact course of events; but there can be little doubt that in time the world will see two great and Rákótzy, the second of that name; and a war of eight years' duration ensued, which was terminated by the peace of Szathmar in 1711, by which the Hungarians returned to their allegiance to the house of Hapsburg, on condition of a complete amnesty and a solemn engagement to respect their constitutional rights. During the course of this war, the exertions of British envoys-Lord Sutherland, the son-in-law of the Duke of Marlborough, and the Hon. George Stepney-to restore peace between the contending parties, were unremitting. Not merely did the British and Dutch envoys, acting in unison, address themselves in writing to Rákótzy; but they took part personally, as mediators, in the negotiations at the convention of Tyrnau, which took place about the middle of the war. The Hungarian confederates long held out for a guarantee of the peace on the part of the maritime powers; and that it actually took place without such a guarantee may be attributed principally to the apparent moderation and good faith of Joseph I., which, while it weakened the patriotic party by detaching from it many of its adherents, at the same time rendered those who remained firm, more willing to rely upon the royal word, without any guarantee of foreign powers. But there is no need to look into history to justify any protest that Lord Palmerston may have made, against the violation of the Hungarian territory by Russian troops. Even if there was no other "express solicitation of the parties interested," yet the Hungarians, (whom we venture to difference upon events which must seriously affect the balance of power and the existence of constitutional principles in Europe. And the gravity of the case might well justify a solemn protest, upon the part of a constitutional government, against a state of things in which not merely the balance of European power was endangered by the intervention of Russia, but European civilization was disgraced by a method of carrying on war worthy of the most barbarous ages, under the express sanction of Austrian generals. In the opinion of the Times it is evident, that such "an interference was equally insulting to the Austrian government and to the Hungarian people." But if such an interference-if the recommendation to turn back from a suicidal career-be considered insulting by the Austrian government, we think the latter must have already discovered that the interference of the Emperor of all the Russias, to which it must henceforth submit, is far more so. What must be thought of the manner in which the ezar addresses Paskiewitch?. By acting with unequalled discretion in a rebellious country you, general, have safely, and with inconsiderable loss, effected the object proposed. The chief commander and the dictator of the Hungarians surrendered to you. * The important successes of our victorious army will doubtlessly lead to the restoration of legal power and order in Hungary. The very existence of Austrian generals and of an Austrian army is almost ignored. Can anything be conceived more contemptuous, more insulting, to an "august ally?” How the interference referred to by the Times could be considered "insulting to the Hungarian people," we are at a loss to conceive; but we think that the Hungarian people will consider the manner in which it is spoken of by the Times, insulting, and that in the highest degree. The Times proceeds to say, "It was precisely the same thing as an appeal from M. de Lamartine or General Cavaignac would have been, in favor of the Irish insurgents just after the battle of Ballingarry." Thus the legality of the absurd Irish outbreak and that of the Hungarian war are placed upon the same footing. Kossuth is degraded to the level of Smith O'Brien; and the glorious campaigns of Görgey and Bem, of Dembinski and Klapka, are compared to the "battle of Ballingarry." This is, indeed, most gratuitously to insult a nation which has been struggling in defence of its rights against two empires, and has only at last fallen under the shock of the most overpowering numbers. -then the sacrifice of such connections is one that cannot be lamented by the people of England. It is a truth which Demosthenes enunciated long ago, that for a free state the only durable alliances are those with free states, and that alliances with despotic governments are in their nature precarious and unstable. Whatever may be the present discomfiture of liberal opinions, whatever the immediate triumph of military despotism, we have full faith that ultimately " public opinion, and especially the moral force of this country, will triumph over charges of cavalry and rounds of artillery all over the world." Years of suffering may, perhaps, have first to be passed through; but the nations of Europe, sooner or later, will have to mark out the accomplices of those tyrants that have crushed their aspirations for freedom, and they will not then fail to do justice to a minister who, in despite of a factious opposition, has had the moral courage to stand forward in defence of the great principles of self-government and constitutional freedom. And this, too, at a time when the most determined efforts are being made to confuse the fundamental notions of right and wrong; to designate the defence of existing liberties as a rebellion against legitimate authority; to represent the perfidy of sovereigns as their natural and indefeasible policy; to show that freedom and order are best secured by courts-martial; to brand the patriotism of Kossuth by the epithet of " infamous;" and to exalt the hangman Haynau into a military hero. From the Examiner, 8th Sept. ARE THE HUNGARIANS PROTECTIONISTS? ONE of the latest misstatements of the Times concerning the leading Hungarian Liberals is, that "they were the founders of a protective league, or association, for the exclusive consumption of native manufactures, which can only be supported by prohibitive duties on the produce of other parts of the Austrian empire, as well as of foreign countries." Now here a fact is stated which is in itself true, and yet, from the manner in which it is stated, is completely calculated to mislead European opinion with regard to the motives and intentions of the "leading Hungarian Liberals." The Hungarians, perfectly aware that it is their policy to avail themselves of the capabilities of their country for the production of raw materials, and to exchange their produce for the superior manufactures of foreign countries, have always been opposed to the restrictive system of the Austrian government, from the time of Maria Theresa But the truth comes out. By expressing opin- downward. But the efforts of the Hungarian ions favorable to constitutional principles we Diet were unavailing; and the Hungarians were sacrifice connections which have been, and may subjected, in a commercial point of view, to all the again be, of essential interest to the independence disadvantages, without enjoying any of the advanand liberty of all nations." If "the independence tages, that might have arisen from a connection and liberty of all nations" is to be interpreted (as with the hereditary states of Austria. On the one cracy is to be carried out in its full extent, that Hungary must be stifled in her own fat." hand, the superior manufactures of England, which | Central Hungary is doomed irrevocably to be they would gladly have purchased with their corn, isolated from the commerce of the rest of the wine, hemp, tobacco, wool, &c., were excluded world, and the maxim of the Austrian Bureauby the enormously high tariff which was maintained by the government of Vienna, in spite of their repeated remonstrances; while, on the other hand, the coarse and exorbitantly dear manufactures of the Austrian provinces were admitted into Hungary at a nominal duty, at the same time that the THE ADHERENCE OF HAMBURG TO THE ZOLL From the Economist, 8 Sept. VEREIN. raw Hungarian produce, with which alone they could make their payments, was loaded with heavy THE decision of Hamburg to join the confederdifferential duties. The line of custom-houses ation of German States, under the Berlin constibetween Austria and Hungary was in fact main- tution, must be regarded as one of the most tained for the protection of Austrian wine-growers, important events which has happened since the and the imperial manufacture of tobacco; the pro- commencement of the revolutions of 1848; and esduction of tobacco being free in Hungary, whilst pecially so, as this step may be considered the cerin Austria it is a monopoly in the hands of the tain forerunner of the accession of the other Hanse government. After repeated attempts of the Hun- towns, and of the whole of the German states on garian Diet to obtain a more equitable arrange- the Baltic, including Hanover. We are not disment, some of the Hungarian Liberals conceived posed to view the result of the struggle in Hamthe plan of reprisals, by which the Austrian gov- burg, as some of our contemporaries do, as any ernment might be brought to terms. To obtain evidence of a reactionary spirit against free trade English manufactures seemed hopeless; and they in the community, nor even as disadvantageous to therefore resolved, at any rate, to exclude Aus- the advance of that cause which we have so much trian manufactures, except upon the condition that at heart. We know that many persons supported Austria would admit Hungarian raw produce upon moderate terms. Such was the origin and tendency of the Vedegyelet, or Defensive Union, which was formed in 1844, with Count Casimir Batthyany as president, and Kossuth as director. This view of the case is amply confirmed by the proceedings of the Hungarians, as soon as they obtained, by the concessions of April, 1848, a responsible Hungarian ministry. In June of that year Klauzel, the Hungarian minister of commerce, sent a note to Baron Krauss, the Austrian minister of finance, proposing a liberal modification of the tariff. The answer of the Austrian minister was, that the Austrian government was then engaged in a revision of the tariff, and that its intentions would be communicated to the Hungarian ministry in the month of September. But before the month of September arrived, Jellachich seized upon the Hungarian seaport of Fiume, and early in that month invaded the main territory of Hungary. It is also matter of notoriety that, in the spring of this year, Kossuth's government adopted a most liberal commercial tariff, and communicated it to England by an accredited envoy. Such are the facts of the case. It seems hardly conceivable that in spite of them an attempt should be made to fix upon the Hungarian liberals the charge of a narrow and restrictive commercial policy. What the exact nature of "the very first boon that has been solicited for Hungary" may be, it is impossible to say till we receive further details. Hungary, in its full territorial integrity, and with the course adopted by Hamburg, with a firm belief that they were taking the best, if not the only, means which now exists, not only for securing a more liberal commercial policy for Germany, but also for avoiding that hopeless confusion, anarchy, and for a time at least, that military despotism, to which the policy and designs of Austria towards Germany must lead, unless opposed by a firm and united government in the north. For our own part, knowing how much the citizens of Hamburg value the privileges of commercial freedom, and seeing the important and influential position which they will occupy in the new Germanic Confederation; and, moreover, having confidence in the liberal commercial tendencies of those who are now most influential in the councils of Prussia, we cannot but hail this event as the best guarantee for the advancement of free trade in Germany. The city of Hamburg itself may be called upon to make some concessions of a distasteful kind. A city that has been so long a free port, will not relinquish those advantages without much reluctance and regret. But so far as regards the commerce of Hamburg, the change will be much more nominal than at first sight it appears. Since those days when the advantages of free ports, as places of foreign commerce, were so much valued, the modern warehousing system has been introduced, by which, so far as regards the great bulk of foreign trade, every port, whatever duties may be payable for consumption, has all the advantages which free ports alone possessed in former times. Since the bonding system was introduced into England by Sir Robert Walpole, Lon a really independent line of custom-houses, (or don has possessed every advantage as a great absence of them, if it so pleased the Hungarians,) entrepot of trade, and for the re-distribution of forwould indeed be a boon which we do not see the eign produce to neighboring markets, that has been slightest reason to expect. If there be any truth enjoyed by Hamburg. So far as regards its trade in the report, it probably means that a portion of as a great importer and re-distributor of foreign WHEN the French army of General Dupont surrendered to the Spaniards at the battle of Baylen, in 1808, both men and officers were sent on board of old Spanish men-of-war, fitted up as prison ships in the harbor of Cadiz. As large boats from these vessels came frequently to the sandy beach between Cadiz and Fort Puntales, while I was stationed at purpose. produce, Hamburg, by means of the bonding system, will preserve all the advantages which she now possesses, and this applies to at least seven eighths of her trade. It must not be forgotten, that although the merchants of Hamburg have hitherto enjoyed the great facilities of importing and warehousing foreign produce and manufactures of every description, upon payment of a merely nominal duty, yet that more than seven eighths of all the goods so imported, were for the consumption of neighboring countries, and the greatest portion by far for that of the German states which form the new Zollverein; and, therefore, although they met with no impediment from import duties at Hamburg, yet they were, nevertheless, exposed to them in a more aggravated and inconvenient form, when they reached the Prussian frontier. Those goods only which were consumed within the very limited state of Hamburg, escaped the burden of customs duties. Seven eighths of the Hamburg trade has really been subjected to customs duties hitherto, and levied in a shape at once both irksome and uncertain; much more so than if collected at the place of importation. No one can entertain the slightest doubt that the adherence of Hamburg to the Zollverein, will greatly extend the influence of the free trade party in the Germanic Confederation, and will thereby lead to important modifications of the general tariff, which will be of infinitely greater importance to the commerce of Hamburg, and of those countries intimately connected with Germany by trade, than any concession which the citizens of Hamburg will be called upon to make, in adopting the constitution of Berlin; while the adoption of the bonding system will place them in exactly the same position with regard to their trade with other ports of the North of Europe in which they at present stand. Their great trade, however, is German. In future, in place of paying high duties on the frontier, exposed to the harassing competition of smugglers, if they can, as we have no doubt they will, succeed in materially reducing those duties, paying them at the place of importation, but not until they are required to be forwarded for consumption, we shall regard the change as a great step in advance for the commercial freedom of Germany. We shall have occasion again to return to this important subject. the latter place in 1810, I was led by curiosity to see what they came for, and found that it was to bury the dead prisoners, as a great mortality prevailed on board these ships. I was present when one of these large boats full of naked bodies (lying like logs of wood, one upon another) arrived at the beach. The bodies were rolled over the gunwale of the boat into the sea, and then dragged on shore with a boat-hook, and thrown into a hole dug in the sand above high-water mark, previous to which, Spanish children would throw handfuls of sand into their mouths, and otherwise insult them. I could not look on the bodies of these unfortunate strangers, buried by their enemies in this disgusting way, without some queries arising in my mind as to what were their names, who their relations, friends, &c. This occurrence was afterwards brought to my recollection on reading the following lines by the late Mr. Malcolm, (42d regiment,) as applicable to what I had witnessed, though not intended by him for that particular occasion : LINES ON A DEAD SOLDIER. Wreck of a soldier passed away, And dreamt of future fame. Stripped of thy garments, who shall guess * Though from that head, late towering high, Yet death's dark shadow cannot hide Lives there a mother to deplore, To break her heart for thee? These unfortunate men considered their being confined on board of ship as an infringement of the terms by which they had surrendered, and availing themselves of a gale of wind in their favor, they mastered the Spanish guards, cut the cables of the vessels, that they might be driven across the bay to the Trocadero, then occupied by their countrymen blockading Cadiz. Supposing the vessels to have drifted by the wind, our gun-boats were ordered to their assistance, but when alongside they were saluted with cold shot (on board as ballast) thrown by the prisoners into the boats, upon which, orders were given to our men-of-war to fire into the prison ships; accordingly, a heavy fire was directed upon the vessels, also from Fort Puntales; however, one succeeded and grounded near the Trocadero. The prisoners in it were liberated by their countrymen, who brought down boats from Puerto Real for that I WOULD NOT LIVE ALWAY. We find the following poem in the Christian Intelliprayer-book: I WOULD not live alway, live alway below! ensures its popularity. Also, History of the NATIONAL CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY. By J. F. Cork gencer, given as the original version of the hymn in the ran, Esq. Also, a LITERAL PROSE TRANSLATION OF DANTE'S INFERNO. By John A. Carlyle, M. D. For people who cannot read Italian, and yet wish to know this great poem, such a translation is far better than a versified paraphrase. From the same house we have: Mr. Seymour's MORNINGS AMONG THE JESUITS AT ROME: being notes of conversations held with certain Jesuits on the subject of religion in the city of Rome. We have marked for the Living Age a full review of this interesting work. PICTURES OF THE VIRGIN AND HER Son, by Charles Beecher: with an Introductory Essay by Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe. This is an original work. SCENES WHERE THE TEMPTER HAS TRI cheer. Would I shrink from the path which the prophets of God, Apostles and martyrs, so joyously trod? I would not live alway-I ask not to stay Like the patriarch's bird, and no resting is found; Where Hope, when she paints her gay bow in the air, Leaves its brilliance to fade in the night of despair; I would not live alway-no, welcome the tomb! Immortality's lamp burns there bright 'mid the gloom; There, too, is the pillow where Christ bowed his head; Oh, soft are the slumbers of that holy bed! To shout in the morning, shall peal through the skies. Who, who would live alway? away from his Away from yon heaven, that blissful abode, Where the rivers of pleasure flow o'er the plains, God, bright And the noontide of glory eternally reigns; That heavenly music! what is it I hear? soar, And in ecstasy bid earth adieu evermore. NEW BOOKS AND REPRINTS. ABSENCE from our post has caused us to neglect some of the parcels from publishers : Mr. Geo. P. Putnam has published, in excellent shape, BULWER & FORBES ON THE WATER CURE. Edited, with additional matter, by Roland S. Houghton, A. M., M. D. LAMARTINE'S NEW HISTORY. With a promptness quite unequalled, the new History by Lamartine has been translated, and well translated, and published in this city. The American edition thus takes the lead of any English edition, while the grace and ease of its style is such as will not be improved upon, if a translation should be attempted in London, as was promised. The translation has been very carefully made by Messrs. Francis A. Durivage and Wm. S. Chase, of Boston. There are few persons who did not follow with wonder Lamartine's career during the first three months of last year's French revolution. In a large measure then, he must have owed the pop ularity which gave him his position to the deserved success of his History of the Girondists. It was natural therefore that his history of the events of which he was so great a part in 1848, should be awaited as uniting claims to interest which seldom meet; for one of the first authors of the time, who has shown himself one of the first men of the time, here resumes his pen to write his own history. It will be called egotistical. But it could hardly fail to be so. If Cromwell had written an account of some of the more stirring days of the protectorate, or if Jefferson had left on record the discussions of the committee who reported the declaration of independence, such narratives would have been as egotistical. It would have been absurd for Lamartine to fail to write this sequel to his other work, simply because he, of all men, knew most of what transpired in the period of which he writes. He is certainly a most attractive narrator. And we cannot but congratulate ourselves that his agreeable though of course hasty narrative, is given to us in the form in which we have it; for this will prove itself a standard English history. The publication is one of the very creditable enterprises of Messrs. Phillips, Sampson & Co. The book is the size of one of their volumes of Messrs. Harper & Brothers have sent us Parts 1 and 2 of the HISTORY OF PENDENNIS. By W. M. Thackeray: with Mr. Thackeray's own illustra- Macaulay. Boston Daily Advertiser. tions. It is well printed, and the author's name |