which have been assigned to them. The allow it. It is their interest and their unceas whole of North Italy is under Austrian occu- ing impulse to strike forth the spark and kindle pation. Not only Lombardy, but the Duchies, the conflagration. Nor are the efforts of a Mazwith Tuscany and the Legations, have been zini needed for this. Italy is stored and governed by her troops, and she can exert any strewn with combustibles; and if the fire once kind of sway over these countries without of take there, can Germany be expected to fering fresh causes of complaint. There re-escape?

mains for Austrian invasion only Rome, Na- What was said in the House of Commons ples, and Piedmont; and for her to march on Wednesday did not throw much additional either into Rome or into Piedmont would be light on the subject. Lord John Russell neither more nor less than to declare war pointed out certain evils without indicating a against France. remedy; and surely Lord Palmerston was in error in stating that the Austrian army in Lomi bardy has not been augmented.

This we do not think that Austria is prepared to do. Even if she assume in Italy the same attitude of menace which her armies lately took up on the Galician and Bessarabian frontier, no one need believe in or fear her intention to make war. She has not the courage. Her armies are the same things as her protocols all assumption and audacity.

From The Spectator, 11 Aug.

THE RECESS AND THE WAR. PARLIAMENT seems destined to break-up without any grand event for Ministers to anBut besides pouring troops into Lombardy nounce formally to the Representatives of the and garrisoning its towns, Austria has, it seems, Nation. Sebastopol not having been taken formed a camp near the Piedmontese frontier; by a coup-de-main, the Allies not having sucand it is augured from this that Radetski pro- ceeded in securing the active co-operation of poses marching into Piedmont. The fact is Austria and Germany, to place an irresistible Austria and its old marshal feel very much ag- screw upon Russia, and terminate the war on grieved by an act of the Piedmontese Govern- the ground where it arose, the contest has ment, which perhaps was not discreet. The become one of endurance between the two Cabinet of Turin consented to permit us to re-sides, and perhaps the victory will depend not cruit for our Foreign Legion within its do- alone upon the actual powers which each side minions. This was but just to the alliance; can bring to the conflict, but rather upon the but, on the other hand, the head-quarters and knowledge which either side possesses of the centre chosen for it were unfortunately at No- other's capacity to endure. Russia and her vara, close upon the Lombard frontier. It allies, perhaps, may underrate the power of was holding up a flag for all the discontented passive bearing on the part of the French and and military spirits of Lombardy to flock to. English; we may be unable to impress upon With all deference to the Piedmontese Gov- the Russians, not only our ability to bear, but ernment and Sir James Hudson, we would not the limit of their own ability. In military rehave selected Novara. Alexandria would have spects the position of the Allies is better than been a better head-quarters, more open to re-it ever has been, although it is not what we cruits from Central Italy, and less liable to be construed into a design to invite the Lombard population. We are perfectly warranted in recruiting Italians, and the Government of Sardinia in helping us to do so; but it will be best, on all accounts, to accomplish it in a manner not open to any legitimate complaint.

expected it to be. At Sebastopol we are nearer to the enemy; while we occupy Eupatoria, and have shown our capacity of annoying the Russians. We cannot be dislodged, and there are ten weeks of good fighting weather before us. Asia is confessedly the weak point of the campaign; but even here are Thinking it thus quite possible that Austria and not grounds for great alarm; Kars has not yet Radetski may at present be acting more in de- fallen; Erzeroum is not without defence; reinfence than provocation, still German neutrality forcements are pouring in by way of Trebizond, is not a thing to be now scarcely reckoned up- and the Russian commander operates under on for any length of time. Our first duty serious disadvantages, which evidently distract should be to push operations in the Crimea his movements. But if the European Allies with sufficient activity to put an end speedily are to throw reinforcements into this part of to the embarrassment of that campaign. Politi- the Turkish dominions, manifestly such an cal alliances in war time are seldom stationary: operation must belong to a future campaign. they either augment and grow closer, or they The Baltic returns the meagrest accounts: we decline and fall into enmity; and our relations have totally extinguished Russian commerce with Austria tend manifestly to the latter ex- by sea, and destroyed several posts on the treme. Besides, even if Austria desired ever coast of Finland; and we are amused with so much to remain on good terms with France reports of something impending at Sweaborg. and with England, the Italians will scarcely But Sir Charles Wood's promise of an unlim

ited supply of gunboats and mortar-vessels | know them to a man, to a penny. We even points to next year, and to next year therefore know something of what Russia endures, and we may have to look for their effects. we can compare the relative outgoings. But So much for what has been done by us. can the Russians? They know what they enRussia has slain some of our men, but nothing dure, in part; but do they know how we else has she effected against us actively. She stand? That country, as the writer in Blackhas not lost much in her territory bodily, but wood says, "cannot boast of its Times." A she is locked-up within herself. Our war de- Russian Councillor of State who spoke pubpartments, it is calculated, have cost us some- licly in doubt whether the returns of killed where about £50,000,000 this year, and and wounded were complete, was sent, the France has incurred at least as much outlay; official gazette says "by his own wish," to asbut instead of showing signs of exhaustion, certain the truth of his statistics on the field we have men, machinery, and money, more of battle, with the rank of major. The than either Government immediately demands; Russians have newspapers; but like some and the sources from which the matériel of kinds of wicket-gate, they are made to let war is derived, instead of being exhausted, are things pass only one way, and only in certain open to us and as free as ever. With Russia forms. Everything that Mr. Gladstone says the case is exactly the reverse. A very able tending to show that England cannot bear the paper in Blackwood's Magazine not only strain of expenditure now put upon her, or proves in tangible facts and in detail, the that Englishmen of high position differ from pressure endured by Russia, but something the Government-everything that Mr. Bright further. On a single estate yielding £6000, can say,-every preference of Lord John's less the £1500 on Government mortgage, less for the equipoise plan,-every "reverse," finds also the loss incurred through the derange- its way into the Russian papers; and the "hement of commerce in delay, or failure to sell roic" serfs, whose superstitions are sedulously linseed, wool, and sheep, estimated at about cultivated by the Government believe, that £1700, the demands of the war wrest from these alarmists are foretelling the submission the proprietor in the shape of direct levies, 36 which England is about to make under her ablebodied laborers for every 1000 males, old, unendurable sufferings. The Emperor does young, and sick,-10 wagons and drivers at a not give his own vitals up to the contest: if he time 40 oxen for rations, and a proportionate drags from Russia the very means of livelisupply of biscuit. The artisans in town are hood and industry, there is more where that dragged from their daily labor to furnish cloth- came from; and he had better spend his peoing for the troops, for nothing. The very serfs ple to preserve his territory, protect his throne, on the Government estates are torn from their and persevere in advancing to realize the prohomes, at hay or harvest time. These are de-phecy of his family. Such seems to be the tails which represent the inflictions of the war calculation of the Czar; and evidently the levies on the empire at large. The facts are Russians are not in a state to know when they not only proof that every district and every are beaten.

class of "All the Russias" must feel a pressure We seem to be approaching the close of one perfectly unknown in this country, that com- stage of the war, as we close the year's cammerce must undergo derangement quite for-paign on the field of Parliament; and it is at gotten in our largely-developed and strong- that juncture that the late chief British Plenitrade, but further, that the very sources from potentiary at Vienna comes forward to enwhich the people obtain their livelihood, and lighten the country and advise the Governthe Government its revenue, are cut off. Dur-ment in the presence of the assembled Parliaing the war the country, as it were, is feeding ment. Lord John Russell lately stood at the upon its own vitals; its own rude hands drag very centre of all relations that bear upon the out its entrails in a brutal and a wasteful meal. subject of the conflict. He has improved his This is not only to spend millions, but to spend the men and the materials that make the millions; and Russia, who begins by being poorer than we are, is running out her very capital. There can be no doubt which side would lose in a contest of that kind.

position by adding to his official knowledge perfect independence; and he opens his mouth to tell us-what? That we have spent the sum of money which the Chancellor of the Exchequer tells us that we have spent; that we have prospects which induce most But it is not a simple question of endurance. serious considerations;" a Navy efficient on a The contrast between the barbarous self-muti- field on which our enemy does not intend to lation of Russia for the purpose of the conflict, meet us; a season in the Baltic passing away; and our own easy abundance,-for it is really a Foreign Legion not yet organized for ser easy in the comparison,-is not the only kind vice in Asia; a campaign before us for the of distinction. Whatever we suffer, every next year upon which "any discussion could Englishman knows. There are amongst us not be mischievous;" Italy in a state of op men who aggravate our own sacrifices; we pression under its Governments: and the Pope

From the Economist, 11 Aug. CONDITION OF RUSSIA.

AN article dated from the Danube, July

states:

propped up by the presence of foreign troops. ed to say something; and Lord Palmerston reLord John Russell did think that the equi- plies by declining to give a sketch of the plans poise plan might be adopted instead of limita- in contemplation. tion as the principle of peace; he expresses unqualified admiration for the establishment of representative institutions in the Sardinian states: he does not say that the Austrian proposals could be assented to at the present moment, but "an opportunity for negotiations will perhaps arise in the course of the six 24th, published in the " Allgemeine Zeitung," months during which the recess may last;" the Turkish Envoy thought that the plan of The condition of Russia would become very equipoise might be adopted, and "we would not continue the war if the Turkish Govern-serious if the present state of things lasted a twelve-month longer,-not, however, in consement were of opinion sufficient terms of peace quence of the warlike deeds of the four oppohad been proposed." However, if we do connents of Russia, but as the effect of the blockade tinue the war, we must not give Turkey sim- of Russian ports. The loss of Sebastopol, of ply loans, but subsidies outright; and after the Crimea, or, indeed, of all Bessarabia, could glancing at Poland and Italy as allies in a not bend Russia; but a third year of blockade further contest-he does not mention Hunga- can dictate to her conditions of peace. There ry-Lord John finishes by asking, with a view are in Russia, in consequence of the prohibitive to controlling the "violent spirit which Maz-system which has been in force during the last zini and his followers seek to encourage, of trade. To these belong the greatest part of thirty-three years, a number of artificial branches whether France and England, "with the assistance of Austria," cannot devise "some durable system of government for the Roman States." Having succeeded so well with the assistance of Austria in Turkey, Lord John proposes to add Italy to our protégés; and in the enterprise of Italian reformation, holds up to us in this month of August 1855 the model Spain !"

the manufactories dependent upon imported raw be included. These all suffer and are standing produce, and many agricultural works must also still, and with a continuation of the blockade must be totally ruined. To increase the danger, the State, the Emperor, the Imperial family, the highest nobility, and the richest part of the burghers, belong to the class of proprietors of manufactories; and all these classes of population are intimately connected with trade. The principal part of their properties is sunk in the landed estate is bound up with them. Now, the factories, and even the possession of the largest consumption of agricultural produce is stopped or reduced to the comparatively insignificant land transport. The importation of raw materials is cut off, and the capital invested in these extensive works gives no interest. Even those factories which limit themselves to native raw materials, and which produce for consumption in Asia, must be stopped, because the best portion of their workmen are taken for the army.

The tirade makes the public laugh; it saddens the friends of Lord John; but what is the effect which it is likely to have in the three Northern capitals where the war of the future is even now in course of being brewed? For the real measure of the further continuance of the war is the estimate formed by Russia and those in conference with her of the councils that govern England and France. The future sacrifices which we make must be charged against the weakness that we suffer to exhibit itself; and the moral strength which Thus, the two great systems, of agriculture, enables the enemy to sustain himself in the and manufacture, are suffering almost to exstruggle has its highest and most inspiriting haustion, and it is just these two bodies which, source amongst ourselves. We may open through presents, voluntary and enforced loans, next year's campaign with fresh alliances and and deliveries, are expected to place the exnew contingents- Lord Palmerston speaks chequer of the State in a position to carry on a with marked reserve as to what might be done war for which no direct means were ready. Boin Italy if Austria were, as she has not yet side this, in consequence of the blockade, the done, to change her policy; he does not repel advanced in price to an unexampled degree. If most indispensable necessaries of daily life have the allusions to Poland; there is a political as well as naval question ripening in the Baltic, to-day with those of 1853, we shall find an exwe compare the St. Petersburg price-currents of where Denmark is subjected to indignity in traordinary advance in such articles as salt, iron, the refusal of Sound Dues by the United coals, coffee, sugar, etc. Those articles which States, whom Russia dares not offend. In cannot support the land-carriage through Prusshort, a political question is fermenting in the sia or Sweden will soon be entirely wanting; for midst of the countries affected by the war, example, the stock of coals for the Imperial and the recess may produce something be- navy will hardly last until the winter, although sides the negotiations which the ex-Pleni- the Government has taken possession of all potentiary anticipates with so much re- private stocks of coals. lish: on that question Ministers are importun

All classes, there can be no doubt, are suf- ligious revolutionists, desirous of gratifying fering very much from the continued effects their love of excitement and effecting some of the blockade, and the great demands made great and undefined political changes, to which on them to supply men and provisions to the the great conservative power of Russia is opRussian army, and supply, with much dimin- posed, it is carefully disseminated amongst ished means, a greatly increased expenditure. them, while all conflicting and juster stateThat the people will be dreadfully impover-ments are as carefully suppressed. Whatever ished and injured by the war is certain, but may be the opinions, therefore, of a few wellwe cannot hastily adopt the German writer's educated, well-informed persons in Russia, or conclusion that a third year of blockade will the wishes of a few suffering nobles, deprived ensure a peace. For what men suppose a of luxuries, enjoyments, and power over their good cause, they will bear great distress. From vassals, the bulk of the people, it is to be apall that we can learn or imagine, the Russians, prehended, are enthusiastic in the cause of whatever may be the opinions or objects of their country and their Czar, and may be their statesmen, believe that their country is ready to submit to almost unheard-of privaunjustly assailed. The Russian point of view tions rather than allow him to make peace. is obviously very different from ours, and we They have, in their extensive soil and their must endeavor to seize that, in order to form own industry, at least the means of a rude a rational estimate of the degree of suffering subsistence, and they may prefer, as we should which the people will bear before they will say of ourselves, nobly to die in the last ditch resist the Government, and compel it to demand rather than yield, and ask the foreigner for peace. peace and pardon.

We cannot suppose that the Russians are The Russians are undoubtedly fanatical, less patriotic than ourselves. Why should and their religious sentiments, in accordance they not be ready to spend their last rouble, with the ambition of their rulers, subserve its and die to the last man, if they believe that purposes. They would willingly make great their country be unjustly assailed? There is sacrifices to plant the Greek Cross in Conno free press amongst them to convey any stantinople and make the Czar its master. suspicion or doubt of the justice of their As the writer in the German journal says, the cause; no journals or orators to inform them loss of the Crimea, or the loss of Bessarabia, what other hostile or neutral nations say of would not make them sue for peace; and we their Government. So far as they can learn are disposed to doubt whether the greater the opinions of foreigners, the conduct of privations of the blockade will overcome the their neighbors, Austria and Prussia, who do fanaticism of the people, whatever effect it not aid France and England, and the conduct may have on the wealth and opinions of the of the United States, from which they have nobles. If there be a general national sentireceived supplies, are rather calculated to im- ment that their cause is righteous: that their press them with an opinion that their cause is country is unjustly attacked; that their rerighteous, than that it is unholy. By much of ligion is assailed; that irreligion and revolu what is said by persons in our own Parliament, tion are impelling the Western nations to asand written in our own press, this opinion sail holy and conservative Russia,—if the most may be confirmed. So far as the language powerful motives that ever excite nations, used here countenances the opinion that their fanaticism and love of country, be, as we precause is a good one, and that they are viru-sume they are, rife amongst the Russians, they lently and vehemently assailed by ambitious will be as difficult to subdue by blockades as and weak statesmen, urged on by ardent, irre- by "warlike deeds.”

From The Economist, 11 Aug. MR. GLADSTONE UNDER AN ECLIPSE.

more accurately the clew to those idiosyncrasies which so often fill the hearts of his antago nists with sinister and malignant joy. We THE speech of the late Chancellor of the have more than once had occasion to defend Exchequer on Friday last-brilliant as it was him, even when deplorably in error, against -must have been a source of deep regret to the extravagant attacks of those who cannot all his more sober and discriminating friends. believe that a subtle mind can be an honest Mr. Gladstone has no sincerer admirers than one, or that a man who goes so far wrong can ourselves; none, we believe, who can more yet fancy all the time that he is going right. fully enter into the peculiarities of his mental Yet it certainly is not difficult for any one constitution; none who better comprehend who seeks sincerely to find the explanation the sources of those estimable qualities which of Mr. Gladstone's wanderings from the so endear him to his associates, or who possess straight path, to perceive by what refracting

media the "light that leads astray" is distorted stone, triumphed over the scholar and the in its passage through that refining and elabo- theologian. But his conscience has never rately cultivated intellect. In truth, he is his been at ease since. The fatal step once taken, own marrer and misleader. It is precisely his doubts and scruples grew stronger day by day; talents and his virtues that prevent him from seeing clearly or walking uprightly. He is a man of wonderful mental powers, and of vast acquirements, but not of clear instincts or correct intuitions. He has to think out what is right and wise; he does not, like other men, perceive it instinctively. The intellect, with him, has laboriously to do the work of the moral sense and the unclouded natural perceptions. Thus it often pursues a tortuous course, and does not always arrive at the right goal at last.

the prolongation of the strife, and its enormous slaughter, kept him in a chronic state of wretchedness and repining, if not of remorse; his incessant thought was, how to terminate so deplorable and uncivilized a spectacle; he lost sight of the great and noble cause, in his horror at the violent and sanguinary means; till at length, all that was wise, stern, and statesmanlike gave way before the feelings of the gentle and polished philosopher whom such barbarism revolted, and of the humane lover of his species whose very soul was harrowed by the bloodshed and the suffering around him.

Mr. Macaulay said of him, some years ago, that "half his ability, with a barren imagination, and a scanty vocabulary, would have se- All this we can perfectly understand, and, cured him from nearly all his errors." The to a great extent, sympathize with and excriticism was a just one. His fine fancy ena-cuse. But there is one point in the case which bles him to gild and clothe any fallacy, and his we confess does surprise us-one set of conglowing and redundant language to hide even siderations, which we can scarcely comprefrom himself the naked meaning of his tenets. hend that Mr. Gladstone should so entirely have But he has even a greater enemy than his overlooked and put aside. No man loathes brilliant intellect, and that is, his sensitive cruelty and oppression more than he does. conscience. Of all virtues there are few more No man's soul so sickens at the cold and crushdangerous, if there are none more beautiful. ing barbarities of despotism. No man ever The more imperious the sense of duty, the spoke out against them more boldly or immore scrupulous and commanding the con-pressively or uncompromisingly than did Mr. scientiousness, the more does it need to be en- Gladstone-" when he witnessed them." All lightened and controlled by a sound judg- Europe shuddered at the heart-rending picment, and correct instincts. All extreme sen- tures which he drew of the damp dungeon, sitiveness is apt to degenerate into morbidity; and the knawing chains of the gentle and vir sensitiveness of conscience more surely than tuous Poerio. "Who dug that dungeon and any other. And when once it has passed the riveted those chains?" The King of Naples. limits of moderation and sobriety, it presses Who enabled and encouraged him to a perall the other powers of thought and character fidious and savage tyranny which, if left to into its service; it blinds its victim to all his own strength, he neither could nor dared other considerations; it enables him uncon-have continued for an hour? The Emperor sciously and unfeelingly to trample upon all of Austria. Who kept the empire of that other principles; it takes the bit between its Sovereign together? Who replaced him on teeth, and guidance or restraint are thence- his shaken throne? Who enabled him to exforth hopeless. ercise that blighting and leaden influence on This we apprehend to be the case with Mr. Italy which, by crushing all resistance and inGladstone at present. He entered this con- citing to all oppression, rendered safe and test with great and manifest reluctance; with possible those regal crimes which aroused even more reluctance, and with greater misgivings, a conservative like Mr. Gladstone to denounce than he is probably willing to admit even to them? The Czar of Russia. But for him, himself. He is a man of piety; and war that hideous fabric of despotism must have seems to him criminal and unchristian. He is crumbled to pieces in 1848. But for him, Naa man of culture and refinement; and war ples and Austria must perforce have intronecessarily strikes him as something strangely duced those ameliorations, and permitted that barbarous and brutal. He is a devoted, and civil and political freedom which alone-as somewhat mystical adherent of "the Church;" Mr. Gladstone well knows-can open the and war against a Christian Power, and on be- prison doors of Naples or of Rome. But for half of unbelievers, affects him as something him Hungary would have been independent, unnatural and monstrous. Still, at the outset, and Austria must have accepted new conthe justice of the case was so clear, the over-ditions of existence; and when Austria had bearing insolence of the aggressor so intolera- ceased to be able to be a tyrant, the lesser ble, and the political necessity of defending criminals of Italy must have become humane Turkey so imperative, that good sense asserted in order to be allowed to live. Does not Mr. its supremacy, and the statesman, in Mr. Glad- Gladstone recognize the pedigree of Poerio's

DXCI. LIVING AGE. VOL. X. 46