The sublime porte, then, finding that in respect to this affair, it is impossible for it to listen to any thing except to the precepts of its religion and the code of its legislation, considers itself justified in declaring, that from religous, political, administrative, and national considerations, it cannot give the slightest countenance to the propositions which have been framed and finally brought forward. Always prepared to comply with the duties imposed by the treaties concluded with the friendly powers who now render this categorical reply necessary, the sublime porte hereby declares, for the last time, that every thing which has been stated above, entirely accords with the sovereign intentions of his highness, of his ministers, and of all the Mussulman people.' In the hope that this faithful exposition will suffice to convince its equitable friends of the justice of its cause, the sublime porte embraces this opportunity for reiterating the assurance of its high consideration. Health and peace to him who followeth the path of rectitude. MR. JEFFERSON AND MR. GILES. From the Richmond Enquirer of September 7, 1827. TO THE PUBLIC. not only altogether surreptitious, but in direct hostility with Mr. Jefferson's letter, and Mr. Clay's "great desidera-introduced here. The one, taken from the National tum in political economy." Extract from Mr. Clay's speech upon the tariff bill of 1824. Page 13. So, Journal. The devoted "coalition" paper, at least, so characterized. The other, from the Richmond Whig, This latter is ushered forth by a writer under the signature of "A Farmer," who, most charitably, charges his "The great desideratum u political economy is the brother farmers, and every body else, not acting under same as in private pursuits; that is, what is the best ap- the same delusive influence with himself, with being "conplication of the aggregate industry of the nation that can fiding dupes;" whereas the scribbling Farmer seems, himbe made honestly to produce the largest sum of national self, to be the most "confiding dupe," that ever underwealth. Labor is the source of all wealth, but it is not na- took to enlighten a people by overcasting them with the tural labor only." Judging from Mr. C's prize speech, thick mist, in which he is himself enveloped. So much generally, and from the six foregoing lines particularly- that he seems to be led about by some "ignis fatuus,' Indeed, from all his speeches, and it would seem that Mr. with syren songs, made up in doleful, pathetic strains Clay knows about as much of the "great desideratum of which he deals out to others in the same fascinating, heartpolitical economy" as he does about the Delphic oracles, rending melody. These characteristics will shine with or of the occult art of alchymy, or of the illusory corrus- peculiar lustre, in the example here exhibited. Should cations of the brilliant prospect of the Panama congress, this "confiding dupe" of a Farmer possess only a small or of the inexplicable intricacies of the West India trade. portion of the candor of his calling, I think, after reading It would also seen from the subjoined letter that Mr. Mr. J's letter, containing his real opinions, and contrastJefferson is here directly at points with Mr. C. respect- ing them with the surreptitious ones which have served ing his great political, polar star-"the great desideratum to dupe" the confiding Femer, he will at once acknowin political economy;" and that his deepest affliction at ledge, that there is no occasion to ask, "who is the dupe?" the deplorable crisis most unwisely brought upon our He must stand, himself, "the dupe confessed." Doubtcountry, was not produced by his terrific alarms at "the lessly, he will be surprised to be told, that he is as much election of a military chieftain" to the presidency, but the unconscious "dupe" in many other of his delusive from much more substantial and fearful considerations.-disclosures to the people. Having made them, if he From the unprincipled usurpations of the practical go- means to give the people fair play, it has become his duty vernment. From converting a limited, federative go to hunt them up himself, and do his best to undeceive vernment, into an unlimited, consolidated one. In sub- his own "confiding dupes," should he have been so unstance, from the six lines quoted above, and the inevitable fortunate as to have made any. consequences from the practical operations of their conWM. B. GILES. tents, in obliterating all our fundamental laws. This letExtract from the National Journal. ter was not originally intended for publication, but I now "One venerable authority, however, has been introfeel myself impelled to give it publicity from the follow-duced in support of the claims of gen. Jackson, so imposing considerations anfongst others: The extract contains ing as to carry with it, if uncontradicted, great moral the whole of the political part of the letter; some parts, weight. We allude to that of the departed and lamented merely private, are omitted. The part respecting the Jefferson, who has been quoted, since the grave closed university has been published, as giving Mr. Jefferson's upon his mortal remains, on the ground of a volunteer views of the then actual condition and future prospects of sentiment given by him at a public dinner, as being favothis important institution, which may be attended with rable to the election of general Jackson. To suit this public utility; and also as a refutation of one falsehood purpose the toast itself was garbled; but even thus garout of many which have been circulated through the press bled, meant nothing but that general Jackson had earnfor the last ten years in relation to myself, to wit: That ed, what he has justly received as the reward of his there was an unfriendly feeling existing between Mr. Jef-services-the thanks of his country. Opposed to such ferson and myself. The falsehood is destitute of all pretext whatever. For some time past, some of the administration prints, desperate in their utmost need, have attempted to avail their bad cause of the just influence of Mr. Jefferson's well earned political fame, by solemn assurances to the public, that Mr. Jefferson, when living, was in favour of the measures of the administration, and of the re-election of Mr. Adamas. For this purpose they have lavishly poured forth eulogius upon Mr. Jefferson for opinions which they have ascribed to him, and which, if living, I verily believe, he would consider his greatest reproach. They have at length gone so far, as to pat expressions into Mr. Jefferson's mouth, under marks of quotation, with intimations that they can be proved by competent evidence, (nothing doubting,) whilst they are construction as has been put upon Mr. J's toast, we have in our possession conclusive testimony that the sentiments which we have expressed on this subject are those which the illustrious Jefferson expressed, but in stronger terms. We have his dying words, so to speak; and we will close this article with them. Of late years, that venerable man seldom ventured to say any thing on politics; but not many years before his death, he observed to a friend "that his faith in the self government of the people had never been so completely shaken as it had been by the efforts made, at the last election, to place over their heads one who, in every station he ever äilled, either military or civil, made it a point to violate every order and instruction given him, and to take his own arbitary will as the guide of his conduet." In such terms, strong as they are, and much stronger than we are disposed to use, did Mr. Jefferson speak just before his death, of the alarm created in his mind by the effort to place a merely military man at the head of our republic. Extract from the Whig. consequences; and keep ourselves in a situation to profiť by the chapter of accidents-and separate from our companions, only when the sole alternatives left, are the dissolution of our union with them, or submission to a government without limitation of powers. Between these two evils, when we must make choice, there can be no hesitation; but in the mean while, the states should be watchful to note every material usurpation on their rights-to denounce them as they occur in the most peremptory terms, to protest against them; as wrongs to which our present submission shall be be considered, not as acknowledgments or precedents of right, but as a testia ny yielding to the lesser evil-until their accumulation shall over weigh that of separation. I would go still further, and give to the federal member, by regular amendment of the constitution, a between the states-providing sufficiently against corrupt practices in congress, (log rolling, &c.) by declaring that the federal proportion of each state of the monies so employed, shall be in works within the state, or elsewhere with its consent, and with a due salvo of jurisdiction.This is the course, which I think safest and best as yet. "These were the signs which called forth from that great apostle of freedom, Jefferson, his last but terrible warning: "My country!" said he, "thou too, will experience the fate which has befallen every free government thy liberties will be sacrificed to the glory of some military chieftain. I had foudly hoped to have found in thee an exception; but thy support of Jackson-a man who has disregarded every order he has received—who has trampled under foot the laws and constitution of his country-right to make roads and canals of intercommunication and who has substituted his own ungovernable will as his own rule of conduct-thy support of such a man shakes my confidence in the capacity of man for self-government, and I fear all is lost." This is the language of the dying patriot. And if we followed him with undiminished confidence, and with enexampled success, in times and seasons when liable to temptation, what deference is not due to his opinion when delivered under such, solemn circumstances, and in a condition little less imposing than if he had just risen from the dead! Under such high authority, I the more confidently assert, that the effort to elect Jackson, is the fruitful fountain of the prevading mischiefs, which every sober man must deprecate, as disturbing the repose and threatening the safety of the republic. This infirmity of a blind and idolatrous devotion to military success-the bane of every republic that has gone before us-is the prolific soil whose harvest of bitterness we are now reaping. In the phrensy it produces, reason is no longer heard. The grossest falsehoods are propagated and believed-every object is sacrificed without scruple to the success of the idol." Monticello, December 26, 1825. EXTRACT. You ask my opinion of the propriety of giving publicity to what is stated in your letter, as having past between Mr. John Q. Adams and yourself. Of this, no one can judge but yourself. It is one of these questions which belong to the forum of feeling. This alone, can decide on the degree of confidence implied in the disclosure. Whether, under no circumstances, it was to be communicable to others. It does not seem to be of that character, or at all to meet that aspect. They are historical facts, which belong to the present, as well as future time. I doubt whether a single fact, known to the world, will carry as clear a conviction to it, of the correctness of our knowledge of the treasonable views of the federal party of that day-as that disclosed by this most nefarious and daring attempt, to dissever the union, of which the Harford convention wa- a subsequent chapter, and both of these, having failed, consolidation becomes the first book of their "DEAR SIRI see as you do and with the deepest af history. But this opens with a vast accession of strength, fiction, the rapid strides with which the federal branch from their younger recruits, who having nothing in ther of our government, is advancing towards the usurpation of the feelings or principles of 76, now look to a single of all the rights reserved to the states, and the consolida- and splendid government of an aristocracy, founded or tion in itself, of all powers, foreign and domestic, and that banking institutions and monied me rporations, under the too by constructions, which if legitimate, leave no limits guise and cloak of their favored branches of manufactures, to their power. Take together the decisions of the fede-commerce and navigation, riding and ruling over the plur ral court, the doctrines of the president, and the miscom-dered ploughman and beggared yeomanry. This will be structions of the constitutional compact acted or by the to them a next best blessing to the monarchy of their legislature of the federal branch; and it is but too evident first aim--and, perhaps, the surest stepping stone to it." that the three ruling branches of that department, are in [The foregoing includes the whole of the political part combination to strip their colleagues, the state authorities, of the letter. Then follows some information and reof the powers reserved by them, and to exercise the marks, purely private, and it thus concludes.] selves all functions foreign and domestic. Under the "Our university has been most fortunate in the five propower to regulate commerce, they assume indefinitely, fessors procured from England; a finer selection could that also over agriculture and manufactures; and call it renot have been made, besides there being of a grade of gulation too, to take the earnings of one of these branches science which has left little superior behind; the correctof industry, and that too the most depressed, and put them ness of their moral character, their accommodating disinto the pockets of the other, the most flourishing of all. positions and zeal for the prosperity of the institution I verily believe, that as Under the authority to establish post roads, they claim that leave us nothing more to wish. of cutting down mountains, for the construction of roads, of high a degree of educ tion can now be obtained here, as digging canals, and aided by a little sophistry on the words in the country they left-and a finer set of youths, I never general welfare," a right to do, not only the acts, to ef- saw assembled for instruction, they committed some irfect that which are sufficiently enumerated and permit-regularities at first, until they learnt the lawful length of ted, but whatsoever they shall think, or pretend, will be their tether, since, which it never has been transgressed for the general welfare. And what is our resource for in the smallest degree. A great proportion of them are the preservation of the constitution? Reason and argu-severely devoted to study, and I fear not to say, that ment. You might as well reason and argue with the marwithin 12 or 15 years froin this time, a majority of the ble columns encircling them. The representatives chosen rulers of our state will have been educated here. They by ourselves-they are joined in the combination, some shall carry hence the correct principles our day, and from incorrect views of government, some from corrupt we may count assuredly that they will exhibit their counones, sufficient voting together to out number the sound try in a degree of sound respectability it has never known, parts, and with majorities of only 1, 2, or 3, bold enough either in our days, or those of forefathers. I cannot live to go forward in defiance. Are we then to stand at arms?” to see it-my joy must only be that of anticipation, but that you may see it in full fruction, is the probable con[A few words are here omitted, relating merely to an sequence of the 20 years, I am ahead of you in time, and andividual.] is the sincere prayer, of your affectionate and constant friend. THOMAS JEFFERSON." "No! that must be the last resource, not to be thought of until much longer, and greater sufferings. If every infraction of a compact of so many parties, is to be resisted at once as a dissolution of it, none can ever be formed which would last one year. We must have patienes ane long endurance then, with our brethren, whie under delusion. Give them time for reflection and experiencc of i The foregoing extract, containing the while of the po litical part of the letter, is a au copy liom Mr. Jefferson's original letter to me, written, in his own han l-writW. H. GILES. chgetux," $1£ PREN PLD FOR THE EDITOP, AT THE FRANKLIN PRESS. NILES' WEEKLY REGISTER. THIRD SERIES. No. 4-VOL. IX.] BALTIMORE, SEPT. 22, 1827. [VOL. XXXIII. WHOLE No. 936 THE PAST-THE PRESENT-FOR THE FUTURE. EDITED AND PUBLISHED BY H. NILES & SON AT $5 PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE. The publication of the index for the last volume, the people. We also add the following extract from a has been unavoidably delayed, but will be speedily fur-letter received in Baltimore on Tuesday last, from a gentleman in South Carolina, remitting his subscription through the hand of a friend nished. XSOUTH CAROLINA. We have been, and yet are, at a loss to understand why so great an excitement against the tariff, and the principle of protecting domestic industry, has been raised in South Carolina, as to tolerate propositions to "calculate the value of the union," and cause some to outstrip the sentionalities displayed by other persons in the eastern states, in a season of great private privation and mad political passion. The last submitted, as they must have done, to the enactments of the majority-and so will the last. It is not less improper to talk thus wildly in South Carolina than it was in Massachusetts; and the same justice will mete the same amount of reprobation to all who shall "plot to dismember this union," or impede the operation of the laws. But, as just observed, we do not understand these things. It is not to be supposed that the actors in such anti-republican and disorganizing proceedings, "calcufate" upon frightening the people of other states out of doing that which they believe it is proper for them to do. If so-they are greatly mistaken. The only effect will be to make the majority more resolute for the fulfilment of its wishes. This is a natural operation of the human mind, when lett possessed of the freedom of action. And the national wish, as constitutionally expressed, must be supported. If the minority, in the north or the south, the east or the west, are to dictate the law-it is time indeed to "calculate the value of the union!" But violence hitherto has ever been its own self-destroyer in the United States, and it will remain to be its "own worst enemy." All the representatives in congress from South CaroJina are opposed to the principles of the tariff. Is defection expected in any of them, that they must be thus stirred up? We rather suppose that some local matter has really caused this bustle and that a fear prevails of the loss of some certain power possessed or aspired to. We do know that many as good men as that state boasts of, regard the establishment of the domestic manufactures of eotton as the sheet-anchor of demand for this great product and so it is. Hence, perhaps, to arrest this growing belief, comes the violence of politicians, that they may "ruin, if they cannot rule, the state." Such men have been-and are. Gov. Giles of Virginia, has shewn what he would doif he could. His toast on the 4th of July last, in reference to the tariff law, that "the southerns will not long pay tribute," and the late strange publication of a letter received by him from Mr. Jefferson are of a piece. The part of the letter contaming the words "Are we then to stand at arms?" conveys an idea that, as we believe, never entered into the mind of Mr. Jefferson. Let what follows be given. The public have a right to the whole letter, since Mr. Giles has given a part of it. It is due to the character of the departed sage and the public intelligence. We do not wish to dwell upon these things. As we opposed the ill advised and dangerous proceedings in the east years ago, so shall we oppose like proceedings in the south or elsewhere. We stand or fall with the constitution, and will support the laws enacted, whether we approve of them or not; but if the latter, will do all that orderly and good citizens may do to have them repealed. If others are disposed to go farther, we shall oppose them with all the little means in our power. This we regard as republican-its opposite is the spirit of despotism. "Tell Mr. Niles I wish the wool growers and manufacturers of our country sustained; at least that they should be protected against an inundation of Johnny Bull's flimsy articles; but if they can make from seven to fifteen per cent. we ought not to be taxed one cent for their support, though we are all one family: the planters and farmers here are not making more than two to three per cent. on their capital." We can assure the gentleman that the wool growers and manufacturers will be perfectly content with what he is willing to allow them; and that the best feelings exist among all of them, that their brethren in the south may do as good a business as they desire for themselves. There is now no jealousy in that respect-ao envy, or other bad disposition; for we are "ail of the same family." In evidence of what is said we publish a South CaroJina circular and the copy of two memorials distributed Through that state, and submit them to the god sense of VOL IN No. 4. And if cotton shall rise to twenty cents per pound, as we wish that it might, we shall not charge the planters with "extortion!" We shall say it is caused by the demand, and not by a "monopoly." We will rejoice in their prosperity, knowing that we also must partake of it, as they also do in a prosperous state of things in the east or the west. WEAVING. Letter to the editors, dated Economy, Sept. 13, 1829 In your Register of the 4th ult. I noticed a statement of the three young girls employed at the Ivy Cotton Works near your city, who wove during the month of July last, at 12 hours per day, 4,127 yds. of 4-4 superior sheeting in an 800 reed and above square. Much gratified that steam looms have reached so great a perfection, I took the Register, went to our cotton works, and communicated the same to our weavers. Upon which three young girls resolved immediately to make a trial also, for one mouth, and commenced on the 15th ult. to be as diligent on their part as practicable, and as the common and regular motion of the looms would permit, and finished last evening, working 25 days at 113 hours each, delivering 5,201 yds. of good 4-4 sheet ing, approved of by the managers, wove in a 832 reed which requires 50 threads filling to an inch, and is above square also. By this you will observe that 1027 yds. more has been made at the Economy Cotton Factory than at the Ivy Works. It is really a great pleasure to notice the rapid progress the American nation has made in so short a time in the various branches of manufactures. Yours respectfully, FRED. RAPP. SCIENTIFIC POWER. A carelessly worded sentence, or a supposed belief that all our readers would apprehend our meaning, has caused the following spirited remarks, with which we are well pleased, except that they were not "post paid"-a small thing to individuals, but of some consideration with publishers. The paradox, so far as we are concerned, is easily expounded. We meant to have said doubted by some. We have several times contested British doctrines on this subject, as applicable to the general condition of society, and especially so as to the state of things in our countryand said that these doctrines, like others abe "free trade," were made for exportation-and all that r correspondent says about the operation of taxation, &c. we have often enforced. MR. NILES-In your paper of the 1st inst. there is a note aunexed to the notice of Mr. Crompton's death i which on say, it is a matter of dont whether the GRESS of SCIENTIFIC power may not be as productive of evil as of good!! in lessening the value of manual labor," &c. What follows appears to be foreign to this view of the influence of scientific power, and to me bears the appearance of a paradox. To be more explicit, I cannot discern how the reduction of the value of manual labor can be productive of evil, if the same things which have been, or are now, procured for a value, relatively to the common standard of value, large-should produce evil, if the like things, equally good or useful in their kind, should be procurable at a less numerical quantity of the same common standard of value. Is your proposition of doubt, founded on any particular theory?-on any example of incidents in any country? Permit me to observe that it is too common a practice among those who are considered the oracles of political economy, to ascribe all the evils which arise in artificial society, to some individual or sole cause; and this has been the course pursued by the partizans or disciples, or teachers, of a particular theory, or indeed to the most prevailing theories, from the French economists to their successors the English economystics, with Adam Smith at their head, and Mr. Macculloch at their tail. That I may not be misapprehended, I mean to say that the evils experienced by the manufacturers in England, though attri buted to the growth of labor-saving machinery, or scientific power, have not been produced by that cause; and that whoever undertakes to discuss that subject with a' view to reach practical and useful truth, must take into consideration many other powerful circumstances for example, the corporation or monopoly laws, the laws which arbitrarily regulate the price of labor contrary to the will of the laborer, the laws that relate to apprenticeship, and the exclusion of workmen who either have not served seven years, or who having served an apprenticeship in one place, are not tolerated to work, if not privileged; in another; e. g. a printer, who served an apprenticeship in Bristol, may be prevented from working, however able he may be, in any part of the city of London, at the discretion of one who has served his time in London. Again, the mighty influence of paper on the wages of workmen-on the prices of goods of the first necessity; which, by reducing the productive or purchasing power of gold and silver, substituting paper for those universally desirable and exchangeable agents, augments the price of necessaries on the laborers, who have neither gold nor silver, while the effect upon the opulent or rich, is not felt, and they may convert their paper into gold at will. The banking system must be investigated in its operation, therefore, on the price or compensation of labor. Another momentous subject must be taken into consideration before a reasonable judgment can be formed as to the influence of scientific power on the value of manual labor,—that is the operation of taxation, public debt, on the general operations of society, and on that most essential of all, productive labor. In the spirit of candor I must say that my notions are the very reverse of your doubt. I contemplate very litthe evil, and that merely temporary and dependent on the burdens alluded to which chain down society; that is the only portion of society that is afflicted by those burthens, while I can anticipate in scientific power the means by which men may be rescued from the oppression to which the working people are exposed, and which deprive them of the means of mental cultivation and social enjoyment. Let me add, that the use of the word value is too generally vague; that in examining the influence of scientific power or labor, what is meant by value should be first understood; and let me observe, that the word wealth is equally vague, and many other terms common to, economical language have departed from their true signification, and produced confusion to so great an extent that the writers on this subject lose themselves and confound their readers, travelling in a circle of terms which seldom touch the truths they aim to illustrate. ELECTIONS. It is stated that the election of Mr. Yancy over Mr. Johnson in Kentucky, by a majority of 99 votes, will be contested; and asserted that a list of about 250 voters from Tennessee, who had voted for Mr. Y. has been obtained. The Lexington Reporter, of the 1st of September, gives a list of the members of the legislature of Kentuc ky, designating them according to their preferences on the presidential question, by which it appears that there are, in the senate, in favor of the administration, 21; for general Jackson 17. In the house, for the administration, 54; for Jackson, 45. The Frankfort "Commentator" has a statement of the votes given at the late congressional election, and makes it appear that there was a majority of 8,687 "in favor of the administration." Other papers calculate it differently. But as in districts the fractions are lost, it oftentimes happens that the voice of a state may not be known by such elections. There is a remarkable case of this in the election of electors in Maryland in 1824. Mr. Lincoln has been re-elected governor of Maine without opposition. In the choice of a representative in congress, for York district, Rufus McIntyre received 2,169 votes and John Holmes, late of the senate, 1,814. The first was elected, there being only the two candidates. At the recent election in Mississippi, Gerard C. Brandon has been elected governor, and Abram M. Scott lieutenant governor. Gabriel P. Moore has been re-elected to congress from the northern district of Alabama without opposition. David E. Evans, a representative elect to congress from the 29th district of the state of N. York, has communicated his resignation to the governor. YELLOW FEVER. The yellow fever has prevailed to a limited extent in Charleston, S. C. for some time past; the deaths not averaging more than one each day. The deaths by that disease for the week ending on the 9th ult. amounted to nine. Private letters and verbal accounts from New Orleans state that an epidemic has broke out in that city-their papers, however, are silent on the subject. The only notice the papers of the 21st of August take, is the following. "About forty persons have been buried in this city, within the last seven days; a mortality which is nearly double the general average among the population." A BRITISH TRAVELLER. A person who terms himself the hon. Frederick de Roos, bearing a commission as lieutenant in his Britannic majesty's navy, lately obtained a month's leave of absence from his ship lying at Halifax, for the purpose of visiting the United States, in which he remained sixteen days, during which period he visited Boston, New York, Albany, Philadelphia and Baltimore. The result of the hon. gentleman's travels is an octavo. volume of one hundred and ninety one pages, dedicated, by permission, to his royal highness, William Henry duke of Clarence, lord high admiral of England &c. &e, in which is contained some of the most palpable lies that were ever gulphed down by the English nation-We at first supposed it was written with a view of rivalling the celebrated work termed "Jolin Bull in America," but on a nearer examination, and from the bitterness and gall with which it teems, we must class it with the productions of the Fearon's &c. whose vision blinded by bigotry and prejudice, prompts them to view a great and pow erful nation as a band of demi-savages-whose household economy consists in the facility of turning a he cake or mending a pair of leather breeches-whose chivalry and patriotism is indicated by biting off the noses or gouging out the eyes of their opponents on election days; and whose progress in the arts is like the baby house made by some sportive urchin in a pile of sand, compared to the cockney boast, the great St. Paul's. The principal object of this learned traveller appears to have been the inspection of our navy yards, rather a delicate undertaking we should think for an English naval officer, unless the sight of the frigates, captured during the late war afforded a melancholy consolation; and accordingly among slanders upon American beauty, steam boats, stages, hotels, with now and then a libel upon some respectable persons who, deceived by appearances, were induced to treat him as a gentleman, we have an ample notice of frigates, dock yards &c. &c. The navy yard at Washington did not please the gentleman because among other things, there were only two frigates building there-he finds fault with the inclined plane invented by com. Rogers, and thinks it "doubtful whether the Po tomac, another heavy and clumsy looking 60 gun fri- was a landsman. I was assured that he was well satisfigate, will ever be got down again"-At Baltimore he wased with the wretched acquisition, which surprised me the much delighted with the model of a schooner built "for more, as I was aware that the Brandywine and Bostop the purpose of smuggling on the coast of China"-and were fitting out, and that they were greatly in want of after an effort to procure a book of draughts of all the hands. This scarcity of men by no means confided to fastest sailing schooners built in Baltimore, he departed their ships of war; American merchantmen are well for Philadelphia-at the navy yard in that city he disco-known to be principally manned by foreign seamen." vers "the Pensylvanian, a three decker, which the Ame- He then makes some remarks upon the maritime ricans say is the largest ship in the world, whose scant-force of the U. S. and its capacity to become a great naling is nearly as large as the Nelson." "The navy yard of New York he says, is not much larger than that of Philadelphia, but in a state of far greater activity. I was struck with the confusion and disorder which prevailed in every direction, and was informed that it was in consequence of the preparations for fitting out two ships, the Brandywine, 60 gun frigate, and the Boston, 20 gun sloop of war, (both round sterned), which were ordered for service. I could not help reflecting, that in Portsmouth dock yard 20 such ships might be fitted for sea without occasioning the smallest appearance of extraordinary exertion." val power, which are on a par with the foregoing-and for this very luminous view of the U. S. and the navy, the honorable Frederick de Roos has been appointed flag lieutenant to his royal highness the duke of Clarence. We should not have noticed this silly production, but considering it another instance of the contumely heaped upon us by ignorant and malicious foreigners, we are desirous that the people should understand how we are thus misrepresented by those who have experienced their hospitality, and how the libellers of a republican nation are rewarded by the rotten branches of a corrupt monarchy. At New York, only one vessel, a 60 gun frigate, was building, but the author goes on board several that are lying alongside the yards; and his examination leads to a BRITISH AND AMERICAN NAVIES. A late number of singular discovery: but he shall describe it for himself. the "London Magazine" draws a comparison between our next went on board the Ohio, a two-decker, carry-own navy and that of Great Britain. It is stated that the ing 102 guns, which was lying in ordinary, alongside the whole number of American vessels now built and buildvard, but not housed over. A more splendid ship I ne-ing, is 46, (exclusive of those on the lakes which are ver beheld; she had a poop and guns along her gang ways; said to be in a state of decay)-viz: 12 ships of the line, the guns of her lower deck were mounted, and all her 15 frigates, and 19 sloops of war. On the 1st of July, standing rigging was on board; she was wall sided, and, 1827, the royal navy of England consisted of 603 vessels like all the American ships, her bows projected aloft; built or building, but as the number includes mere hulks this practice however, it is intended to discontinue in fu- and ships much less advanced than those which are said ture, as it is found to render their ships extremely unea- to be "building" in America, the force may be stated sy when at anchor. I was filled with astonishment at the with safety to be ten times superior to that of the U. negligence which permitted so fine a ship to remain ex-States. The number of officers in Great Britain is much posed to the ruinous assaults of so deleterious a climate. [greater in ratio. The Americans have no admirals, (unShe has only been built seven years, and, from want of fess some were appointed under the act of the last con common attention and care, is already falling rapidly into ress), Great Britain has 217. decay. I afterwards learned that this vessel was an in- American forces. stance of the cunning, I will not call it wisdom, which frequently actuates the policy of the Americans. They fit out one of the finest specimens of their ship building in a most complete and expensive style, commanded by their best officers, and manned with a war-complement of their choicest seamen. She proceeds to cruise in the to Mediterranean, where she falls in with the fleets of European powers, exhibits before them her magnificent equip-zine), "is in part the cause and in part the consequence of rent, displays her various perfections, and leaves them impressed with exaggerated notions of the maritime power of the country which sent her forth. She returns to port, having effected her object, and such is the parsimony of the maritime department, that she is denied the common expenses of repair.' 53 captains, 27 master com'ndts. 212 lieutenants, British forces. 824 captains or 25 to 1. 826 master com❜ndts. 3,709 lieutenants. 37 chaplains. 10 chaplains, From this account Great Britain would almost be able man a fleet equal to ours with officers alone. The dead weight" on Great Britain, (says the Maga the enormous list of officers. The 'dead weight,' from which the Americans are free, is about equal to the whole expenditure of America, including the interest of the (public) debt, and the sums paid towards its liquidation. When the debt disappears, which at the present rate of reduction must happen in a few years, there will be no payment made out of the public treasures in the United "I next went on board the Franklin, of 86 guns, the deck of which they were employed in tarring, and, al-States, except for public service, actually performed. though an immense ship, she looked quite small after seeing the Ohio. There was another line of battle ship laid up in ordinary, without a poop, (the Washington). neither of these ships were housed over. There were no small vessels building." From this circumstance and the unexpensiveness of the internal administration, the financial power of the republic applicable to the creation of a navy, will be as great as its power of recruiting it; and we have no doubt, that it will be able without any violent exerition, to create a At this place the traveller also saw the famous unfin-half pay list if it be so disposed to do." The writer says ished "steam frigate." He thinks that if she had been completed, she would still have been a failure. that it must not be concluded because there are only 60 captains and commanders, that there are only sixty per"Here I had an opportunity of observing the extreme sons qualified to command ships in the U. States; nor on difficulty which the Americans experience in manning the other hand that because Great Britain, has 1684 of their navy. A large bounty is offered by the government the same class, that therefore she has that number whom to seamen, but it is found inadequate to induce them to it would be safe to trust with the command. Of the enter the service in sufficient numbers. In England, no higher ranks in the old country it has already become a bounty is given, and sailors are at liberty to select the matter of complaint, that the majority are too old for ship in which they choose to serve. This was found to service, and Great Britain is reduced to the alternative, be impracticable in the U. States, in consequence of the of perpetuating or even increasing the burden of dead excessive desertion; and it became necessary to fit up the weight, or of allowing a list of officers to become a list of Fulton as a general receiving ship, where men are enter-invalids. The Americans on the other hand burdened ed for the service of the navy, and kept under strict sur veillance. This vessel is commanded by a captain; and to such straits are they reduced for seamen, that she is completely fitted out for sea, with masts, yards and sails, for the purpose of drilling new recruits from the inland states, and converting them into sailors. "It happened that while I was in the yard, the officer of the rendezvous brought np his report. In the course of that day he had procured only two men, one of whom with no such incumbrance would be able in war to encourage enterprize by rapid promotions of the better class from the mercantile service. If the officers thus procured should not be equal to the best, who are trained in a ship of war, they would probably be much more than equal to those who have long been languishing in inactivity or in professions not maritime. In fact America has all the elements of a naval force with only the neces sity or the disposition to spend money enough to bring it |