nations, the acquired title, as distinct from the natural, stands next for consideration. and Asia, but with no great length of course, and leading | paid for by the American government; and, therefore, to a vast expanse of inland water, the shores of which are any extension of it to a foreign power could scarcely be occupied by no less than three independent powers. expected without an equivalent." There is manifestly a wide difference between such a The natural right asserted by the American plenipocase and that of the St. Lawrence, nor can the marked tentiary being thus examined in respect both to the prindifference in principle between rivers and straits be over-ciples which it involves, and to the general practice of looked; and yet, as matter of fact, the navigation of the Black Sea and the adjacent canals is enjoyed by Russia-by that power which has so often distated its own conditions to the porte-in virtue of a treaty, founded, like other treaties, on the mutual convenience and mutual advantage of the parties. Even the navigation of the Danube, downwards to the ocean, was first accorded to Austria by the Turkish government, as a specific concession made at a juncture when the porte, involved in a quarrel with the most formidable of its neighbors, was compelled to propitiate the good will of other Christian powers. The case of the Mississippi is far from presenting an exception to this view of the subject. The treaty of 1763, which opened the navigation of that river to British subjects, was concluded after a war in which Great Britian had been eminently successful. The same motives that prevailed with France to cede Canada, must have restrained her from hazarding a continuance of hostilities for such an object as the exclusive navigation of the Mississippi. The agreement respecting that river, makes part of the general provisions as to the western boundary of the British possessions in America, by which the whole left side of the Mississippi was ceded to Great Britian with the exception of the town and island of New Orleans. This reservation was admitted on the express condition, that the navigation of the whole channel should be open to British subjects. The very fact of its having been thought necessary to insert this stipulation in the treaty, in consequence of France having retained possession of both banks of the river, at a single spot, leads, irresistibly, to an inference the very reverse of what is maintained by the American plenipotentiary. This title is described in the American argument as originating in circumstances which either preceded or attended the acquisition of the Canadas by Great Britian. It is said, "that, if Great Britian possessed the navigation of the St. Lawrence before the conclusion of peace in 1765, so did the people of the United States, as forming, at that time, a part of the British empire; but if Great Britain only first acquired it together with the Canadas, then did the people of the United States acquire it in common with her at the same period." In both the supposed cases it is taken for granted, that whatever liberty to navigate the St. Lawrence, in the whole length of its course, the inhabitants of the United States enjoyed when those states were part of the British empire, continued to belong to them after their separation from the mother country. Now, if this were so, it would also be true, and in a far stronger degree, that the subjects of Great Britain have an equal right to enjoy, in common with American citizens, the use of the navigable rivers and other public possessions of the United States which existed when both countries were united under the same government. For the acquired title, be it remembered, does not effect the St. Lawrence, as a river towing from the territories of one power through those of another to the sea, but is manifestly grounded on the supposition that an object which had been possessed in common by the people of both countries, up to the time of their se paration, contmues to belong, in point of use, to both, after they have ceased to be parts of the same community. If it be true that the inhabitants of the United States contributed as British subjects to effect the conquest of Canada, it cannot, at the same time be denied, that the United States, before their separation from Great Britain, were frequently indebted to the councils and exertions of the parent country for protection against their unquiet and encroaching neighbours. At a later period the navigation of the Mississippi became a subject of arrangement between Spain and the United States. By the fourth article of their treaty of 'boundary and navigation, concluded in 1795, a similar agreement to that which had before subsisted between Specifically did they owe to Great Britain their first France and Great Britian, was effected between those enjoyment of the waters of the Mississippi, conquered in powers, with this remarkable difference, that the liberty part from France by the very same efforts which transof navigating the river was expressly confined to the formed Canada from a French settlement into a British "parties themselves, unless the king of Spain, to use colony. The pretension of the American government as the words of the treaty, "should extend this privilege to grounded on the simultaneous acquisition of the St. Lawthe subjects of other powers by special convention." rence, as well by the inhabitants of the adjacent, and, at It must not be overlooked, that, when the clause that time, British provinces, as by those of the countries which is here quoted, and the exclusive stipulation im-originally composing the British monarchy, must, theremediately preceding it, were drawn up, the sources of fore, if admitted, even for the sake of argument, be apthe Mississippi were still supposed to be within the plied reciprocally in favor of Great Britain. British territory; and, at the same time, there was in The fact, however, is, that no such pretension can be force a treaty between Great Britian and the United allowed to have survived the treaty by which the indeStates declaring that "the navigation of the river Missis-pendence of the United States was first acknowledged by sippi, from its source to the ocean, should, forever, re- Great Britain. main free and open to the subjects of Great Britian." Some additional light may, perhaps, be thrown ou the object of the present discussion by the quotation of a note on the fourth article of the Spanish treaty, which is printed in the collection of the United States' laws, arrang- No portion of the sovereignty of the British empire, ed and published under the authority of an act of con-exclusive to the actual territory of the United States, as gress. It is as follows: acknowledged by that treaty, could possibly devolve upon the people of the United States separated from Great Britain. By that treaty a perpetual line of demarkation was drawn between the two powers, no longer connected by any other ties than those of amity and conventional agrec ment. By the same instrument, the territorial boundary of the` states, as recognized by their former sovereign, were carefully defined for the express purpose of avoiding disputes in future; and the articles stipulating for a concurrent enjoyment of the North American fisheries and of the navigation of the river Mississippi, prove that equal care was taken to determine in the general act of packfication and acknowledgment, those objects of which the usufruct in common was either retained or conceded by "Whatsoever right his Catholic majesty had to interdict the free navigation of the Mississippi to any nation, at the date of the treaty of San Lorenzo el Real, (the 27th of October, 1795), that right was wholly transferred to the United States in virtue of the cession of Louisiana from France, by the treaty of April 30th, 1803. And, as the definitive treaty of peace was concluded previously to the transfer to the United States of the right of Spain to the dominion of the river Mississippi, and, of course, prior to the United States' possessing the Spainish right, it would seem that the stipulation contained in the 8th article of the definitive treaty with Great Britain, couldGreat Britain. not have included any greater latitude of navigation ou the Mississippi, than that which the United States were authorized to grant on the 3d of September, 1783." "The additional right of sovereignty which was acquired over the river by the cession of Louisiana, was Is it conceivable, under these circumstances, that the treaty of 1783 should have made no mention of the cou current navigation of the St. Lawrence, if the claim, now raised by the United States, had rested on any tenable grounds? But the commercial treaty of 1794 would afford addi- the convenience and fair advantage of friendly nations, it tional proof, if it were wanted, that the channel of the is the present unqualified demand of the United States. St. Lawrence, from the sea to the 45th parallel of latitude, It cannot be necessary to enumerate the various ciras never for a moment considered as forming any ex- cumstances which make this claim peculiarly objectionception to the territorial possessions of Great Britain. able; but there is no concealing, that, besides the ordiThe third article of the commercial treaty shows, nary considerations of territorial protection, those of commost clearly, that the power of excluding foreign ves-mercial interest and colonial policy are alike involved in sels from those parts of the river which flow entirely the demand of a free, gratuitous, unlimited right of paswithin the British dominions, was deemed to belong of sage for American citizens, with their vessels and merright to the British government. The leading purpose chandise from one end of Canada to the other. of that article is to establish a free commercial intercourse between the two parties throughout their respective territories in North America. The same article contains a limitation of this privilege with respect to a considerable portion of the St. Lawrence, to which it was declared that American vessels were not to have access; and the corresponding restriction against Great Britain, was an exclusion of British vessels from such parts of the rivers of the United States as lie above the highest ports of entry for foreign shipping from the sea. Interests of such high national importance are not to be put in competition with the claims of justice; but when justice is clearly on their side, they have a right to be heard, and cannot be denied their full weight. That the right is, in this instance, undoubtedly on the side of Great Britain, a moment's reflection on the preceding argument will suffice to establish. It has been shewn that the independent right asserted by the United States, is inconsistent with the dominion, paramount sovereignty, and exclusive possession of Great Britain. It necessarily results, from the nature of the two clauses It has been proved, by reference to the most esteemed thas viewed with reference to each other, that the autho-authorities on the law of nations, with respect as well to rity of Great Britain over the part of the St. Lawrence the general principle as to the opinions distinctly given interdicted to American vessels, was no less completely on this point, that the right of sovereignty and exclusive exclusive, than that of the United States over such parts possession, extends over rivers, in common with the terof their interior waters as were, in like manner, inter-ritory through which they flow. dicted to the shipping of Great Britain. The same principles and the same opinions have been cited to prove that those parts of the river St. Lawrence which flow exclusively through the British dominions, form no exception to the general doctrine so applied to rivers. The former limitation is, besides, of itself inconsistent with the notion of a right to a free, uninterupted passage for American vessels by the St. Lawrence to the ocean. Nor is it the less conclusive as to the merits of the case, when coupled with the declaration, contained in the very same article, that the navigation of the Mississippi was to be enjoyed in common by both parties, notwithstanding that a subsequent article of the same treaty expresses the uncertainty which already prevailed with re-known facts. spect to the sources of that river being actually situated within the British frontier. With these facts in view, it is difficult to conceive how a tacit enjoyment of the navigation now claimed, can be stated by the American plenipotentiary to account for the silence maintained on this subject by his government from the establishment of its independence to the present negotiation. In the course of forty years, during which no mention whatever has been made to this claim, there has been no want of opportunities fit for its assertion and discussion. To say nothing of periods anterior to the rupture of 1812, it is strange that an interest of such vast importance should have been wholly neglected, as well as on the renewal of peace, in 1815, as during the negotiation of the commercial treaty which took place at the close of that year.This long continued silence is the more remarkable, as the mere apprehension of an eventual change in the regulations, under which a part of the St. Lawrence is acually navigated by foreign vessels, has been alleged by the American government as their reason for now raising the discussion. The regions contiguous to the upper water of the St. Lawrence are doubtless more extensively settled than they were before the late war, and the inhabitants of those regions might at times find it advantageous to export their Jumber and four by the channal of that river. But mere convenience and the profits of trade, cannot be deemed to constitute that case of extreme necessity under the aw of nations, to which the rights of property may perhps be occasionally required to give way. It has already been shown that such interests can, at most, amount to an imperfect right of innocent utility, the exercise of which is entirely dependent on the will and discretion of the local sovereign. Of this description are the rights and accompanying duties of nations to trade with each other, and to permit the access of foreigners to their respective waters in time of peace; but will any one, at the same time, call in question the co-existing right of every state, not only to regulate and to limit its commercial intercourse with others, but even, as occasion may require, to suspend or to withhold it altogether? The existence of any necessity calculated to give the United States, in this case, a special right, in contradiction to the general rule, has been distinctly denied, and the denial conclusively supported by a reference to With no disposition to contest such imperfect claims and moral obligations, as are consistent with the paramount rights of sovereignty and exclusive possession, it has been proved, from the authorities already quoted, that of those imperfect claims and moral ogligations, the territorial sovereign is the judge. The title of the United States, as derived from previous enjoyment at the time when they formed part of the Briclusion of that treaty by which Great Britain recognized tish empire, has been shewn to have ceased with the conthem in the new character of an independent nation. vernment acknowledge that their claim is now brought It has also been shown, that, while the American goforward for the first time, not only have they had, since their independence, no enjoyment, under treaty, of the navigation now claimed, but that the provisions of the commercial treaty, concluded in 1794, and described as having been till lately in force, are in direct contradiction with their present demand. cluded by European powers, as to the navigation of rivers, UNITED STATES AND BRAZIL. A report from the secretary of state, with copies of a recent correspondence between the charge d'affairs from Brazil and him, on the subjects of discussion between this government and that of Brazil, is transmitted to the house of representatives, in compliance with a resolution of that house on the 2d inst. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. Department of state, January 25, 1828. The secretary of state, to whom has been referred a resolution of the house of representatives of the 2d inst, requesting the president of the United States to communicate to that house, if the public interest permit, the recent correspondence between the government of the If ever there was a case which particularly imposed United States and Brazil, and any other documents in the on a sovereign the indispensable duty of maintaining this department of state connected with the subject of discusright unimpaired, even with every disposition to consult i sion between the two governments, has the honor to sub Mr. Rebello to Mr. Clay. relations between the two countries, charged me to say Mr. Rebells to Mr. Clay. Washington, 30th May, 1827. The undersigned, officer of the imperial order of the crosier, and charged with the affairs of his majesty the emperor of Brazil, near the government of the United States has the honor to inform his excellency, Mr. Henry Clay, secretary of state for foreign affairs, that questions having arisen with regard to the legality or illegality of the detention of various American vessels that attempted, (eluding, as is supposed, the blockade which the naval forces of his majesty the emperor of Brazil, are Washington, June 1, 1827. enforcing against Buenos Ayres, according to the laws of The undersigned, officer of the imperial order of the nations), to enter that port; and, at the same time, with crozier, and charge d'affairs of his majesty the emperor repect to the detention of the brig Spark, of New York, | of Brazil, near the government of the United States, has which cleared from Rio de Janeiro for Monte Video; the the honor to state to his excellency Henry Clay, minister government of his majesty, the emperor of Brazil, has and secretary of state for foreign affairs, that he has recommanded me to communicate to the government of ceived his excellency's note transmitted yesterday. the United States, that his majesty the emperor, desir- The undersigned, confiding in the certainty that a sucing to preserve, and even to extend further, if possible,cessor to Mr. Raguet will be appointed, (the absence of the friendly relations existing between the two nations, a representative of the government of the United States hopes that the government of the United States, disap-from the court of Rio de Janeiro being an inconvenience proving the character of the proceedings of Mr. Condy both to that of his majesty the emperor, and to that of the Raguet, the charge d'affairs of the said states at Rio de United States), hopes that the appointment will be made Janeiro, in suddenly demanding his passports, may ap-without unnecessary delay, since, without the presence point a new representative to reside near his majesty, the of an American diplomatic agent, the government of his emperor, who, being received with the consideration due majesty the emperor, can setile no arrangement with that to his character, will find in the government of his ma- of the United States. jesty, the emperor, the most pacific dispositions, and will adjust, in a manner satisfactory to the government of the United States, the questions peuding with regard to the detained vessels, and to the brig Spark, according to the Jaw of nations. The undersigned hopes for an answer in writing, that the government of the United States disapproves the conduct of Mr. Raguet, and that the said government is ready to meet the pacific views of his majesty the emperor of Brazil. The undersigned reiterates to his excellency the protestations of respect and consideration due to his excellency. J. SILVESTER REBELLO. Mr. Clay to Mr. Rebello. Department of state, May 31, 1827. SIR-I have received the note which you did me the honor, on yesterday, to address to me, and submitted it to the president. The undersigned, believing that the government of his majesty the emperor, scrupulously maintains the observance of the public law in all its acts, in relation to the governments and individuals of other nations, feels himself authorized to assure that of the United States, that whenever that government will make it appear that any injury has been done to the citizens of the United States, or their property, under the authority of the flag of his majesty the emperor, full and complete indemnity will be promptly afforded, keeping always in view a strict observance of the said public law. tions, and the friendly relations happily subsisting between the government of his majesty the emperor, and that of the United States. The undersigned, flattered by the desire expressed by his excellency, the president, that these arrangements should be made in this metropolis wh the concurrence of the undersigned, (which may be difficult since it is at the court of Rio de Janeiro that are to be found the documents which will prove the justice or injustice of the proceedings), hopes that your excellency will tender to his excellency, the president, in the name of the finderHe is aware that, during the progress of a military war, signed, his acknowledgments for this mark of confidence the commerce of neutral nations is liable to occasional in- on the part of the government of the United States, a terruption and vexation. That of the United States has confidence which he will endeavor to retain, by promotbeen frequently subjected to embarrassments and aggres-ing, as far as lay in his power, the interests of both nasions under color of Brazilian authority, prior to, and during, the war unhappily existing between his majesty the emperor of Brazil and the republic of Buenos Ayres. When these injuries are inflicted, it is the just expecta- The undersigned renews to his excelleney the assution of the neutral that prompt and full redress will be rances of high consideration and esteem which he enter made by the belligerent apon friendly representation.-tains for his excellency. J. SILVESTER REBELLO. The president regrets that this expectation has not been fulfilled in frequent instances of well founded complaint, on the part of the citizens of the United States urged by Department of state, Washington, 2d June, 1827. Mr. Raguet, during his mission to the court of the Bra- SIR: Having received, and submitted to the president zils; and, particularly, that satisfaction was not promptly of the United States, the official note which you did me made for the illegal seizure and detention of the Spark, the honor to address to me yesterday, I am directed by under circumstances of no ordinary aggravation. Mr. him to communicate to you for the information of your Raguet's demand for his passports, in consequence of government, that, relying upon the authorised assurance withholding that satisfaction, was without orders and his which your note contains, that on the arrival at Rio Japersonal act, for which he is accountable to his own go-neiro of a successor to Mr. Raguet, a full and adequate vernment, and that only. The president regrets an oc-indemnity will be promptly made for any injuries which currence which, in Mr. Raguet's view of it, has led to an interruption at Rio Janeiro of the diplomatic relations of the two countries. But no such interruption exists at Washington; and it would have been agreeable to the president if you had been authorised and empowered to make here that indemnity due to American citizens which has been unavailingly demanded at Rio Janeiro. The president, however, participating in the desire which the government of the Brazils professes to presenge, and to extend still further, if possible, the friendly Mr. Clay to Mr. Rebello. have been committed on the persons and property of citizens of the United States, in violation of the public law, under color of authority derived from his imperial majesty the emperor of Brazil, such a successor will be accordingly sent, and there will be no other delay than such as may be necessary for the designation of a suitable person, and to those preparations which are incident to his proceeding on the mission. Confidently anticipating a satisfactory arrangement of all just claims of citizens) he United States, upon thes government of the emperor of Brazil, according to the I avail myself, with pleasure, of the occasion to renew to The message and documents were referred to the comH. CLAY. mittee on foreign relations. PROTECTION OF DOMESTIC INDUSTRY. Addressed to the editors-The first congress under the present constitution, met at the city of New York, on Wednesday, the 4th day of March, 1789-eleven out of the thirteen states having adopted and ratified the constitution. They did not form a quorum until the 1st day of April, thirty members appearing, when they organized the house by electing Mr Muhenburg, a member from Penn. speaker, and John Beckley, clerk. On the 11th April, "a petition of the tradesmen, manufacturers and others of the town of Baltimore [being the first presented to congress] in the state of Maryland, was presented to the house and read, stating certain matters, and praying an imposition of such duties on all foreign articles which can be made in America, as will give a just and decided preference to the labors of the petitioners; and that these may be granted to them, in common with the other manufacturers and mechanics of the United States, as to the wisdom of congress may appear proper. referred the said petition to the committee of the whole The house house on the state of the union, into which committee they resolved themselves immediately--Mr. Page, a member from Virginia, in the chair. After sometime, the committee rose and reported, that the committee had thereupon come to the following resolution: mittee had, according to order, had the state of the union under consideration, and had come to several resolutions thereupon, which he delivered in at the clerk's table,when the same were read and ordered to lie on the table. On the 28th April-the house resumed the considerathe whole house on the state of the union, and the first tion of the resolutions reported from the committee of resolution was amended to read as follows, to wit: the following duties ought to be laid on goods, wares and "American system" progressed in our national legislature Thus far had the protecting system, now called the before the government had been organized, for it was not until the S0th of April that general Washington was inaugurated. The next day, first of May, when the house met, the speaker laid a copy of the speech before the house. I will add one or two more extracts from the journals of proceedings. the town of Baltimore, in the state of Maryland, was pre- tion of the resolution reported from the committee of the Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee that an act ought to pass for regulating the collection of imposts and tonnage in the United States. ordered that a bill, or bills, be brought in pursuant to The house then said resolution, and that a committee, consisting of a member from each state present, be appointed to pre-ing, to wit: pare and bring in the same. The committee were Nicholas Gilman, of N. Hamp-longing wholly to the citizens thereof, at the rate of six On all vessels built within the United States, and beshire; Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts; Roger Sher- cents per ton. man, of Connecticut; John Lawrence, of N. York; Lambert Cadwalader, of New Jersey; Thomas Fitzsimons, of Pennsylvania; George Gale, of Maryland; James Madison, jr. of Virginia; Thomas Tudor Tucker, of S. Carolina. On the 15th April "a petition of the shipwrights of the city of Charleston, in the state of South Carolina, was presented to the house and read, stating the distress they are in from the decline of their branch of business, and the present situation of the trade of the United States, and praying that the wisdom and policy of the national legislature may be directed to such measures in a general regulation of trade, and the establishment of a proper navigation act, as will tend to relieve the particular distresses of the petitioners, and in common with them, those of their fellow shipwrights throughout the United States." Ordered, That said petition be referred to the committee of the whole house on the state of the union. now belonging to the citizens thereof, at the rate of six On all vessels not built within the United States, but cents per ton. On all vessels belonging wholly to the subjects of powor partly to the subjects of such powers, and partly to ers with whom the United States have formed treaties; citizens of said states, at the rate of 30 cents per ton. of other powers, at the rate of 50 cents per ton; Provided, On all vessels belonging wholly or in part to subjects That no vessel built within the United States and be longing to a citizen or citizens thereof, while employed in the coasting trade, or in the fisheries, shall pay tonnage more than once a year: nor shall any ship or vessel built within the United States, pay tonnage on her first voyage; Provided, Also, that no vessel be employed in the transportation of the produce or manufacture of the United be built within the United States, and the property of a States or any of them, coastwise, except such vessels shall citizen or citizens thereof. the said resolution. On the 18th April "a petition of the mechanics and manufacturers of the eity of New York, whose names are thereunto subscribed, was presented to the house and read-setting forth, in the present deplorable state constitutional powers of congress, and of the best policy These were the opinions of the first congress on the of trade and manufactures, they look with confidence to to secure to the people the blessings of a free and protectthe operations of the new government for a restorationing government. It is worthy of remark that many of of both, and that relief which they have so long and anx- the members of this congress were champions of the feiously desired: that they have subjoined a list of articles deral constitution, either in the general or state convenas can be manufactured in the state of New York, and tions. humbly pray the countenance of the national legislature dent of the U. States, than whom there was not a more Among them we see Mr. Madison, former presithereto." Ordered, That the said petition be referred to the asserter and supporter of the rights of his fellow men; enlightened and active advocate of the constitution, and committee of the whole house on the state of the unton. and the proceedings above noticed resulted in the passage On the 21st April-the house, according to the stand- of the act of 1789, which has the following preamble, ing order of the day, resolved itself into a committee of and is conclusive as to the sense of that congress in rethe whole house on the state of the union, Mr. Page, (aspect to constitutional power: member from Virginia), took the chair. Mr. Speaker esumed the chair, and Mr. Page reported that the com-1 ment, for the discharge of the debts of the United States, "Whereas is is necessary for the support of govern— and for the encouragement and protection of manufactures, that duties be laid on goods, wares and merchandise imported," I rejoice that old Baltimore was the first to take hold of the American protecting system, which always has been for the best interests of our country, and herself, and that she has steadily maintained it. To represent so consistent a people, is no small gratification to Yours, truly, Washington, Feb, 13, 1828. and extracts from col. Little PETER LITTLE. We have since received the following additional notices The second session of the 1st congress, commenced on the 4th of Jan. 1790-president Washington, in his speech delivered to both houses, on the 8th, said, "the advancement of agriculture, commerce and manufactures, by all proper means, will not, I trust, need recommendation." The answer of the house of representatives to the foregoing, on the 12th Jan. says, "We concur with you in the sentiment, that agriculture, commerce and manufactures, are entitled to legislative protection." amounts to 294, and the number of individuals dependen Illustrious widows, and precious relics of those who have poured out their blood for the sacred cause of liberty! you deserve to be the cherished children of your self, cannot relieve your sufferings. She will one day country-you are so: but your country, unfortunate herhave it in her power, as soon as she shall possess a settled government, able to introduce order into the administration, and the finances of the state. Then you mean time, do not blush at receiving the aid sent you by will be recompensed for so many sufferings; but, in the the friends of liberty in another hemisphere. Express your gratitude in public, and let your prayers arise, that Divine Providence may pour upon their country, already honorable for its constitutional principles, all the bless On the 15th January, Mr. Baldwin reported that the committee had, according to order, the state of the union under consideration, and had come to a resolution there-ings they can desire. upon, which he delivered in at the clerk's table, when the same was read and is as followeth: AGRICULTURE AND MANUFACTURES—AND COMMERCE. Many people have thought, and still believe, that the interests of these three great branches of the national industry, if not opposed in numerous cases, oftentimes clash with one another. We never have entertained such an opinion; and as to the latter, its very existence rests upon the success of the former; and the inevitable tendency of an increased internal trade, coasting or otherwise, is to invigorate and increase foreign commerce. Conclusive arguments on this subject are abundant, they are to be found in the progress or history of every country; but, on the present occasion, we chiefly intend to state a few broad propositions, and directly apply them to the particular things on which we are about to offer some re “Resolved, that it is the opinion of the committee, that the several matters recommended by the president of the United States, in his speech to both houses of congress, relating to the provision for the national defence; to the promotion, for essential, particularly for military supplies; to the compensation to the persons employed In the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations; to the establishment of a uniform rule of naturalization; to the establishment of a uniformity in the currency, weights and measures; to the advancement of agriculture, commerce and manufactures of the United States; to the encouragement of useful inventions; to the establishment of post offices and post roads; and to the promotion of sciences and literature, ought, sever-marks. ally, to be referred to select committees, to be appointed by the house, to prepare and bring in a bill or bills, viding for each particular purpose.' Amongst other things, it was then orderedThat it be referred to the secretary of the treasury to prepare and report to this house, a proper plan or plans, conformably to the recommendation of the president of the United States, in his speech to both houses of congress, for the encouragement and promotion of such manufactures as will tend to render the United States independent of other nations, for essential, particularly for military supplies-out of which grew Mr. Hamilton's celebrated report, made to the house of representatives the 5th December, 1791, so often published. "We hold this truth to be self-evident," that when reci pro-procity in trade between nations shall end, that restriction must begin. That, if one country is best fitted for the supply of bread and another of clothing-the one cannot purchase of the other, unless that other will purchase of it, without manifest disadvantage-and a surrender of no small part of that independence which should exist between different people possessed of the same sovereign right to guard their own prosperity. That there is no such thing among civilized nations as that which is cantly and craftily called "freedom of trade"-all having more or less restrictive laws; and if they had not, the nature of the climate, state of society, or diversity of gotent of these restrictions would depend on the value of vernment, would naturally establish them; and the ex-. human life, or cost of subsistence, in different countries: cents per day than one in England for 10 cents, they canthus, if a man in France may live more plentifully for 5 not exchange the products of their daily labor, unless the Englishman consents to work all day against the Frenchman's half day-which it is not to be presumed that he will do, if he can avoid it, even by an appeal to arms. This is "John Bull's" notion of things, and a good notion it is. The number of members from the eleven states who met in the first session of the congress, was fifty-nine; in the second session, North Carolina adopted the constitution, and added five; and afterwards, Rhode Island 1, which made up the number 65. AMERICAN BENEFICENCE TO THE GREEKS. Translated for the New York Daily Advertiser from the Hydra paper, "L'Abeille Grecque." Hydra, Oct. 10th, 1827. We have before mentioned that we were employed here in forming a list of persons who have been killed in battle, or disabled by wounds, that their families might partake of the provisions sent out by the humanity of the Americans. *(Note) Mr. G. Jarvis, an American Philhellene, more commonly known in Greece by the name of "Zervos," (the name of one of the first families of Suliots), The curates were appointed to draw up a particular came to Greece in the first year of the revolution. A list of the number of respectable poor individuals in their young man, and master of several languages, in a very parishes; and such lists have been sent, in the absence of short time he was able to read and speak modern Greek; the bishop, to the episcopal council, which is compos- which, united with his natural affability, early procured ed of his deputy, an arch priest, an almoner, an archiv-for him great popularity among the Greeks. He has been ist and a garde-robe, who are the principal secular priests in constant service by land and sca; repeatedly siek of our clergy. The episcopal council, by the recapitu- and wounded, and among all the privations and sufferings lation of those lists, have formed a general catalogue, so common to the Philhellenes in Greece, he has rise. which shows that the number of killed and wounded, by merit, after long services, to the grade of Antistratege whose families are reduced, (for the enumeration does among our guerillas, whose costume he has adopted, and not include such persons as left property at their death,) to whose habits he has perfectly accustomed himself. |