AFRICA. The Phare du Havre, of Oct. 13th, contains erents, some of the free states may feel compelled to throw back the colored people intruded upon them, and the following article:-"M. Ashman, agent of the thus force the slave-holding states to "manage their own Washington Company for colonizing Africa, writes as concerns in their own way." The last deny the right of follows: An excursion of one of our people to the disany national provision on the subject, though the project tance of 140 miles into the interior, has led to the disoriginated, or was, at first, chiefly supported by them; covery of a nation, numerous and polished to a degree and if they will not act for the relief of those unfortunate beyond all I could have imagined. The country is perpersons, let the responsibility rest where it ought. The feetly well cultivated, and the horse is employed, as free states may as well interfere to exclude persons of co-among ourselves, for domestic uses; a considerable tract lor, as the slave-states rightfully can to cast them out, of land is tilled and inclosed; and every thing really ne though natives thereof; and such will probably be the re-cessary for the wants and pleasures of life is produced sult of this opposition to the colonization of freed people of color. The LIEUT. ALLEN. The remains of this gallant officer having arrived at Hudson, N. Y. of which place he was a native, were interred there on the 20th Dec. ult. with military and civil honors; in the presence of a great concourse of people. The remains had been accompanied from New York by a considerable number of officers of the navy, who assisted in the funeral ceremonies. They returned thanks to the committee for the respect paid to the memory of their late associate, and for the hospitality with which they themselves had been entertained-and departed under a salute of artillery, with the best wishes of the inhabitants of Hudson. by the soil, or manufactured by industry. Here written Arabic serves to keep up communications; well supplied markets and regular fairs are established, and the inhabitants possess a degree of intelligence and civilization INDIANA. It appears from the message of gov. Ray to the legislature of the state, that, through the instru-altogether incompatible with the ideas we had formed of the people of Guinea." mentality of her representatives, Indiana has attained public land for the construction of roads and canals, worth one million two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. This grant was made for the construction of a canal to connect the navigable waters of the Wabash river, with those of lake Erie; and for the construction of a turnpike road between lake Michigan and the Ohio river. canal from the Wabash to lake Erie, has been demonstrated to be practicable, by the examination of skilful engineers. The expense is estimated at a little above one million of dollars, which in time can be realized, from the lands granted by the general government to the state. An interesting question arises, in what manner the lands can be best disposed of, to raise a sufficient sum to construct this canal. The governor recommends, that a loan should be obtained at present for its construction, and that the land lying on each side of the canal would increase in price, after the canal was made. He states, that the land, it sold at present, would be sacrificed, but if preserved for a few years, would amply remunerate the state for loans and interest, in the construction of this work. The governor, in noticing the principal opposition to the national doctrine of internal improvements as coming from the south, very archly inquires, whether the rays of a southern sun, gives that peculiar energy to the intellec, which enables their politicians to take the only correct view of the constitution!" APPOINTMENTS-by the president and senate of the United States. COUNT CAPO D'ISTRIA. The following brief sketeh of the life of Count Capo D'Istria, the president elect of Greeee, will probably be as interesting as any thing with which we could fill our pages. James Mitchell, of Connecticut, to be marshal of the district of Connecticut, in the place of Andrew Hull, de-dered the island to the combined Russian and Ottoman crased. John Simonds, jun. of Missouri, to be marshal of the United States for the district of Missouri, in the place of Henry Dodge, resigned. Matthew Hall McAllister, of Georgia, to be attorney of the United States for the district of Georgia, in the place of Richard W. Habersham, resigned. This nobleman, who has lately been elected presi dent of Greece, was born at Corfu, in the year 1776a glorious year for the cause of freedom. His family had, from the year 1800, held an honorable place in the first class of citizens of the Seven Ionian Isles. He studied in the universities of Italy, and returned to his courtry in 1798, at the moment when the overthrow of the republic of Venice introduced into the Ionian islands the democratic power of France. He found his father a prisoner, and threatened by the French commissary with banishment, on account, it was said, of his political opinions. Count Capo D'Istria exerted himself with zeal and activity for the relief of his father, and had the good fortune to succeed. After the French had surren flects; and they had been formed into a republic under the joint protection of Russia andEngland, the ecunt, though still young, was employed in 1800 to organize the islands of Cephalonia, Ithica, and St. Maura. This was the commencement of his political career. In 1802 he was appointed secretary of state for the home department of the republic, and afterwards for foreign affairs, for the d'af-marine and for commerce. One of the most prominent re-acts of his administration was the establishment of moral schools, which had not before existed in the islands. In 1807, the isle of St. Maura was threatened by Ali Pacha. The Ionian government invested count Capo D'Istria with the powers of commissioner extraordinary on the frontiers, and placed under his orders all the militia in the service of the allied courts in the Seven Islands. In this campaign, under the cannon of Ali Pacha, count Capo D'Istria became first known to the Greck captains Colocotroui, Bezzaris, Karaiskaki, and other chiefs; and at this epoch his personal relations with the warlike part of Greece commenced. In July, 1808, he was invited to repair to St. Petersburg to be employed in the foreign department.-Thither he went in 1809, and remained there until 1812. He was then employed in the suit of the Russian embassy at Vienna, whence he was summoned to discharge the fanctions of chief of the diplomatic department at the head quarters of the Russian arJohn Shellman, to be surveyor and inspector of the re-my of the Danube, and afterwards with the grand army. venue, for the port of Savannah, Georgia. William Tudor, of Massachusetts, to be charge fairs at Rio de Janeiro, in the place of Condy Raguet, sigued. Thomas Randall, of Florida, to be judge of the United States for the middle district of Florida, in the place of Augustus B. Woodward, deceased. Henry Chipman, of Michigan territory, to be one of the judges in and for the Michigan territory, in the place of John Hunt, deceased. William Radcliff, of New York, to be consul of the United States at Lima, and for the ports of Peru, in place of William Tudor, appointed charge d'affairs at Rio de Janeiro. Louis Paimboeuf, of New York, to be consul of the United States at the island of Curracoa, in place of Philip Robinson, resigned, Henry Wilson, of Florida, to be marshal of the United States for the district of West Florida, in the place of William Sebree, deceased. Samuel R. Gilman, to be collector of the customs for the district, and inspector of the revenue for the port of Penobscot, Maine." Nathaniel Buluck, to be collector of the customs for abe district of Bristol and Warren, Rhode Island. He continued with the ariny during the campaigns of 1813, 1814, 1815, and took an active part in the most im portant negotiations of this memorable epoch. In November 1813, the emperor Alexander sent him to Switzerland. The result of his mission was, that Switzerland made coinmon cause with the allied powers against Buo naparte; and the system of the Helvetic confederation, great interests that I am now exclusively occupied, an as it now exists, was in part his work, in concurrence with with which I will still occupy myself when on my way the ministers of the other allied courts, and of the 22 to you I pass through Paris. Should heaven continue cantons. Switzerland still feels for him a grateful affec- to bless my efforts, as it has blessed them up to this day, tion. At the congress of Vienna, during the conference I dare indulge the hope, that it will be merit to offer you at Paris, in 1815, and at Aix-la-Chapelle, count Capo some consolation, and that the Greek nation will not reD'Istria, possessing all the confidence of the emperor fuse to me the powers which I ask, to regulate, in the leAlexander, was chosen to carry on the principal negotia-gal exercise of the honorable functions which it offers me, tions with the allied powers-negotiations which includ-all the necessary arrangements with the courts which ined those, the result of which was the placing the Ionian terest themselves in its behalf. islands under the exclusive protection of Great Britain. "I will not lose a moment, for time passes from day From 1816 to 1822, he exercised the functions of se- to day, to decide for Greece the question of life or death. cretary of state for foreign affairs in the cabinet of the Doubtless, the event is in the hands of God; but let us emperor Alexander. In 1822, when the court of Rus- not dissemble, that much depends on you, gentlemen, to sia adopted the Austrain system with regard to the affairs render it propitious. Be assured, such it will prove, if, of the Levant and Greece, count Capo D'Istria resigned faithful to the immutable principles of our holy religion, his office and retired to Switzerland, carrying with him you labor unanimously, and with good faith, for our commarks of the unaltered kindness of the emperor Alex-mon safety, some in carrying arms; not only with devoander, and of the attachment of the most distinguishedtion and courage, but with a perfect subordination to the persons in Russia. In the beginning of the year 1826 orders of your chiefs: others in administering the affairs he came to Paris, and it was then supposed that he then of the country, for and not for or against particular inintended to go to Russia. He did not take the journey,dividuals or particular interests. however, until the month of May in the present year, and it was on his arrival in Russia that he received the news of the choice which called him to the government of the affairs of Greece. After a residence of two months in Russia, he retraced his steps, and was in France at the last advices, having brought a decree, whereby the emperor Nicholas gives him a complete discharge from his service in terms which at once demonstrates the personal sentiments entertained by his sovereign towards him, and the character of the recollections he has left behind him in Russia. "I panse here, and I resign, gentlemen, to your wisdom and your patriotism, the care of weighing the immeuse responsibility which falls on your heads. I shall have the honor to share it with you; but I hesitate not to repeat here, that I cannot share it with you, till after you shall have heard me; and that I myself shall have obtained from you all the confidence which I wish to inspire Receive, &c. canals (Signed) CAPO D'ISTRIA. Copy of a letter from count d'Istria, to the Greek nation. bill recently reported to the house of representatives by CHESAPEAKE AND OHIO CANAL. The following is the London, August 26. "At the moment of quitting the Russian capital, I have Mr. Mercer, chairman of the committee on roads and received, through my brother, the messages which your excellency did me the honor to address to me, conjoint-be, and is hereby authorised and directed to subscribe, Be it enacted, &c. That the secretary of the treasury ly with the representatives of the nation, to communicate in the name, and for the use of the United States, for ten to me two decrees, one of which places me at the head thousand shares of the capital stock of the Chesapeake of the Greek government, and the other invests me with and Ohio Canal Company; and to pay for the same at such the power to negotiate a loan. Ever since the month of times, and in such proportions, as shall be required of May, and since my arrival at St. Petersburg, the public the stockholders, generally, by the rules and regulations prints and private letters made me acquainted with the of the company, out of the dividends which may accrue proof of confidence so flattering and so solemn, which to the United States upon their bank stock, in the bank the Greek nation had just given in my favor. I will not of the United States; provided, that not more than oneexpress to your excellency and your noble colleagues, fifth part of the sun, so subscribed for the use of "the either the sentiments which the decrees now before me United States shall be demanded in any one year, after inspire, or the prayers which I offer to the Almighty the organization of the said company and provided, that he may bestow upon you, gentlemen, and upon me strength to attain the object of the long and bloody sathat for the supply of water to such other canals crifices to which the Greek people have submitted, and United States may authorise to be constructed, in conas the state of Maryland or Virginia, or the congress of the to which it still submits in the hope of a final restoration.nexion with the Chesapeake and Ohio canal, the section For the present, I shall confine myself to giving you an account, in a few words, of what I have succeeded in doing up to this time, and giving you the assurance of my entire devotion to the cause for the future. "On learning of the catastrophe of Athens, of the pecuniary embarrassment of the provisional Greek government, and of the sad necessity which forced it to contract a loan in the Ionian islands, which could only have sufficed for a few days, I sent to my brother, as my only answer, the remnant of my moderate fortune. I instructed him to take a portion of that loan if it had been negotiated, or to deposite in the hands of the provisional government the sum of two thousand pounds sterling, which I have placed at his disposal. At the same time, I proceeded to call on the Greeks, who possessed wealth in foreign lands, to follow this example, and to afford you some assistance. These measures have had some success, and the provisional government, in consequence, is in a condition to meet its most urgent wants, for the moment; I say for the moment, for I flatter myself that by the aid of God and your wisdom, the Greek nation will shortly receive more important succor. "In the present state of things, this assistance, in order to be effective, ought to have a double object. It ought to draw Greece from its isolation, and put it in contact with the great European powers. It ought to procure for it the means of existence, and of defending itself, till its government can introduce something like order into the external concerns of the nation, and put it in a situation to provide før itself. It is with these two micreover, Falls of the Potomac river, to the proposed basin, next Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the said secretary of the treasury shall vote for the president and directors of the said company, according to such namber of shares as the U. States may at any time hold in the stock thereof, and shall receive upon the said stock, the proportion of the tolls which shall, from time to time, be due to the United States for the shares atoresaid; and shall have, and enjoy, in behalf of the United States, every other right of a stockholder in the said company. U. S. AGENTS IN COLOMBIA AND PERU. From the National Gazette. A letter or address of Mr. Watts, American charge d'affaires at Bogota, to president Bolivar, in which he refers to the concerns of Peru, appears to have occasioned much excitement among the politicians of the latter country, who deemed themselves emancipated from the Colombian hero, as much as from Spain. We annex translations on the subject from our Lima papers, which show the feelings produced by the address. From the Peruvian Mercury, of Aug. 9. Bogota, March 15, 1827. To his excellency the liberator, president, &c. &c. SIR: As the representative of my country, I have the honor of addressing myself to your excellency. Your excellency must be informed of the events which have taken place in Peru, a nation which your excellency alone had created, and established in peace, when your excellency was called to Colombia, in order to repress, by your moral force, the exasperated passions of the malcontents of Venezuela. Permit me, sir, as the representative of my country, of the republic of Washington, to beseech your speedy return to Bogota, that you may save your country. Without your excellency all is lust. The three nations, created solely by your excellency almost from nothing-Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia--will relapse into their primitive state of obscurity, should you not continue to exert your faculties in their behalf. I have the honor to be your excellency's admirer, and obedient servant, BEAUFORT T. WATTS. ly penetrated by the frank and liberal policy directing FINANCES OF PENNSYLVANIA. Lands and land office fees, Dividends on bank stock, Fees, secretary of state's office, Dolis. Ct. No. 1 75,867 70 2 20,900 00 S 142,928 81 76,289 00 15,940 00 23,466 S4 7 8,453 97 2,413 60 9 59,218 15 Duties on dealers in foreign merchan- From the Mercury, of August 12. The Gazette of the government of Colombia, of the 27th of May last, contains the following article: "Information has been received from Venezuela, that, in Caraccas, a rumor had been circulated, that in Bogota we were reposing on a volcano, and that the government was playing the devil. The results answer for Bogota and the government. The letters of men interested in maintaining disunion between the centre and the north, and between the principal magistrates, are by no means good data to judge of these affairs. The national congress will qualify them as the devilish tricks of the executive; and would to God that no foreign agent (all of whom should confine themselves within the limits of their duties,) may become engaged in such matters." This must allude to the communication addressed to the liberator, by Mr. Beaufort T. Watts, the representative of the government of the U. S. of North America, near that of Colombia, which was inserted in the twelfth number of the Peruvian. We are fully sensible that the Loans and premiums on loans, conduct of Mr. Watts has been repugnant to the consti-Old debts and miscellaneous, tutional principles of his government, as well as to those by which the new republics are directed, in meddling in the domestic affaits of the latter, at the same time that the just alarm we experienced from the perusal of his address, has been allayed by the disgust expressed at it by Mr. Cooley, who, no doubt, acts in conformity with his instructions. From the Peruvian Mercury, of Aug. 14. DIPLOMATIC COMMUNICATION. Legation of the U. States, Aug. 9th, 1827. SIR: I have seen with pain and surprise, in the Mercury of this day, an article which is designated as a note from Mr. Watts, the representative of the United States at Bogota, to gen. Bolivar. In expressing his belief that this document would not meet the approbation of the government of Washington, the editor of that gazette has done no more than justice to the sentiments which actuate the government and the people of the U. States. Collateral inheritances, U. States, interest on advances in the Balance in the treasury, 1st Decem- I take upon myself, as representative of my government, the responsibility of not recognising the scif-intro-Commisioners of the internal improveduction of Mr. Watts into the domestic affairs of these countries, whatever he may assume from a supposed participation in the sentiments of that note on the part of my country or government. 2 3 26,666 751 24,330 G8) 5673¬ 20,946 02 59,124 09 15,716 56 296 661 $9,438 97 8 9 Lima, August 10th, 1827. The undersigned, minister of foreign affairs of the Peruvian republic, hastened, immediately on its recep. The state of Pennsylvania holds, at its par value, tion, to deliver to his government the very satisfactory $2,108,700 worth of stock in the bank of Pennsylvania, note which Mr. Cooley, charge d'affaires of the United in that of Philadelphia, and in the Farmers and Mechan States of North America, addressed to him the day be-ies bank of that city: No less than $1,801,707 in the fore yesterday, on account of the indication of feeling in the Mercury, with respect to the note from Mr. Watts to general Bolivar. The Peruvian government, actuated by the game sentiments as those of Mr. Cooley, and deep stock of fifty-six turnpike road, companies-$392,955 in the stock of different bridges, and 195,000 dollars in that of canals. Shewing a total capital in these items, of $1,568.363 14. GEORGIA LEGISLATURE. [In senate, 5th December 1827-Read and ordered to be printed] Report by judge Clayton, on the tariff and internal improvement. The committee on the state of the republic, to whom was referred so much of the governor's communication as relates to the powers of the general government, claimed and exercised for the purposes of encouraging domestic manufactures, and effecting a system of internal improvement, beg leave to make the following report: It it will readily be admitted there could be but two ways to form the general government, either by "compounding the American people into one common mass," giving up their state governments, and suffering the majority to govern; or, by continuing their state governments, and delegating a part of their power to the general government for the protection of the whole. Under one or the other of these methods has the general government come into existence. Now no one will pretend to say that it was under the first named method: the powThe committee are aware that it is assumed by the er was not delegated by the people, composing one general government, as expressed in the decisions great consolidated community, but by the people of of the federal court, that state legislatures have no each state unconnected with, and independent of the right to complain of its usurpations, however for people of the other states, in their corporate capacity. midable or fatal. That the general government is said If the history of this transaction is attended to, to be "truly and emphatically a government of the every one must be convinced that, from first to last, people," and therefore entirely out of the reach of it was a procedure of the states, and not of the peorepresentative bodies, whose sole-duty it is to keep ple composing one great political society. They were within the sphere of their own delegated trust. separate and distinct before the revolution; they conwould seem, that if even such a pretension were federated as states for the purpose of more effecadmissable, it should be considered no great breach tually conducting them through that struggle; they of decorum for a sovereign state, through its high-remained independent, and were so acknowledged, est known authority, to approach a government it with all their rights, territorial and municipal, at had contributed to establish, with a subject of com- the close of it. By states the proposition was made plaint, especially when it is perceived that much to enlarge the powers of the confederation. The inferior bodies are patiently listened to, and listen- states appoint delegates for that purpose; they ascd to with effect. While manufacturing companies semble, make and submit to the states a constitution, and self-created delegates, pretending to represent expressly declaring, that when the same is ratified whole states, assembled for the purpose of direct- by nine out of thirteen states, the same shall be ing the congress what measures they must adopt, binding; and the states are still found exercising inSurely the legislature of a state, without much vie dependent and sovereign control over their ungranted lence to any known rule of modesty, may respect- powers. Now, if the assent of a majority of all the people fully offer a counter-remonstrance to such a growing of the U. States was necessary to ratify this instrutemper of dictation. But it is not in this humble ment, was it not as easy as to have so declared, as to manner that your committee would recommend the say that nine out of thirteen states should effect that legislature to prefer their just complaints to the object. Would it not have been more intelligible, and general government. They claim it as a right to ed, than the mode adopted? But that this was not inhave better answered the purpose, if such was intendremonstrate with that government on all measures which they may conceive violative of the fundamen- tended was obvious from the fact, that according to tal principles of its institution. They affirm that the plan pointed out for the ratification of the constithose who create a delegated government have law-tution, more than two-thirds of the states might have fully the power to restrain it within its proper whole people would have rejected it received the instrument, and yet a majority of the bounds, and maintain the doctrine asserted by For instance Luther Martin, in his address to the legislature at the first census in 1790, Massachusetts, New York, of Maryland, at the time of the adoption of the Pennsylvania and Virginia, had 56 members out of federal constitution, that "the proper constituents 105 in congress; at the second census in 1800, they of the general government are the states, and the had 74 out of 141, and in 1810, they had exactly onestates are to that government what the people are to half of twenty three states.-Now, every one must the states; that this is entirely within the spirit perceive, if these four states had alone voted against the constitution in opposition to all the rest, the instrument would, nevertheless, have been adopted, and clearly adopted against a majority of the whole people of the United States and intention of the federal union." In support of this as well as other principles which will hereafter be presented in this report, the committee will frankly own that they can offer nothing new to the legislature, for it is a subject that has been so much discussed, all must be familiar with its details; nevertheless, with the above acknowledgment, to embody some of the leading objections to the course pursued against the rights of the states, will not, it is hoped, be con sidered improper. The people cannot be too well enlightened on this subject. The absurdity of this result, to wit, to have a government founded upon the will of a minority, is so extravagant as to refute altogether the idea that the federal government is truly and emphatically a government of the people." But it is contended that the constitution was ratified by the states assembled in convention, and that, therefore, the people of each state adopted it. This is granted; and in what other way could it have been ratified? This is the only First, then-The committee contend that the states way that the sovereignty of the state could act. It was through their legislatures, have a right to complain of the sovereign consent of the state that was asked: this and redress, if they can, all usurpations of the ge- could not have been expressed by any one branch of neral government. They maintain, "bat the terms the government of the state, for the sovereignty does of the grant, in the federal constitution, did not con- not lie in any one branch alone. But after the people vey sovereign power generally, but sovereign power of each state had in their sovereign capacity, delegat limited to particular cases, and with restricted means ed a portion of their sovereign power to the gefor executing such powers;" and further, that the neral government, and that government received it powers "were delegated, not by the people of the as a trust, every one must percieve, that as the people United States, at large, but by the people of the re- of each state cannot always remain in convention for spective states, and that, therefore, it was a compact the purpose of taking care of their reserved, and between the different states." Composed as the states guarding the exercise of granted powers: and as they were at the close of the revolution, being independent have in their state constitution granted the residue then of each other as they were previous to that event, of the power not previously conferred upon the geand in the exclusive possession of self-government, neral government to their own legislature, except such as are specially given to the executive and judicial When we ask for the letter of the above powers in branches of the government, in no manner partaking the constitution, there is a diversity of opinion on of a representative nature, it follows that the care the subject, and we are pointed to various passages of this trust, as well as every other interest of the peo- in that instrument, by various advocates of the geneple of each state, not granted to the co-ordinate ral government's right, not uniformly agreeing among branches of the state, government, belongs to their themselves on the different clauses conferring this legislature. To make this idea clearly understood: right. Now this uncertainty of itself ought to create all power is in the people-they are obliged to ex-great doubt, and in all free governments, doubt and ercise it by representatives-they grant a portion of forbearance in relation to the exercise of power But most persons refer it to the general government-the residue is distri- ought to be synonymous. buted among their own legislative, executive and to that particular clause of the constitution which judicial branches of the government. The watching gives to congress the power "to regulate commerce and superintending of the power granted to the ge- with foreign nations and among the states," Before we examine this point with reference to its par neral government so as to keep it within its proper limits, must remain somewhere. The people act ticular import, it will be proper to lay down some genealone by their state authorities: this right is not ral principles which made the establishment of the fede with the executive or judicial anthorities of the ral government at all necessary. If the intelligence and moral character of the states were altogether sufficient state: the conclusion is irresistible, that their re for their own internal police, (and that it has been, stands presentatives in general assembly met, have the fortified by the most ample experience), wherefore the right to protect the states from the usurpations necessity of general government? Every body p of the general government, and to remonstrate ceives that the laws which would do for the municipal against any act that shall encroach upon the powers regulation and internal affairs of Massachusetts would not reserved by the people and granted to their own do for Georgia; and therefore a government to legislate government. Under this firm conviction, the comfor both, in those particulars, would be absurd and riWhat then was it that made these two states mittee claim for the legislature the right to protest diculous. and earnestly remonstrate against the exercise, on unite in what is called a general government? Does the part of the general government, of any undue any one believe it was that both states should legislate powers, and especially, a power assumed by them to for the particular interest of one, and against the partencourage domestic manufactures, and to effect a cular interest of the other? Or, to come more to the system of internal improvement within the state. point, that both should legislate for the promotion of the We know that all complaints are listened to with manufactures of the one, and directly against the agr. jealousy, and sometimes with contempt, and unfor- culture of the other! No one can believe this, unless be is prepared to say that the weaker state was utterly desti tunately, this state has had stronger evidence of this tute of all sense of self preservation. The exclusive E than the general truth of the remark. But we like ducement and sole motive then to the UNION was, first, wise know, and, if it were necessary, we could pro- "COMMERCE, and secondly, the coMMON DEFENCE." Eveduce more instances of the fact than is furnished by ry one must at once perceive, who has any knowledge of the American revolution, that a long course of abuse, the history of the times, that at the close of the revol encroachment and oppression, followed up after re- tion, the states were left in the most ruinous condition, peated warnings and respectful expostulations, have as to their public debt and credit; that to COMMERCE, Eveterminated in a convulsion fatal to the affections ry state looked as the only efficient source to relieve them which generally bind together either men or nations. from their burthens; and as each state had exclusively We do most solemnly deprecate such an issue of the the right to regulate its own trade, the utmost perplexity attachment which we bear to the general government, and confusion must have resulted from the great divers and if that government entertains a faithful recollecty of interest which existed among them. Commerce 100 tion of all history on this subject, and is not borne is the fruitful source of war. To regulate then a nisiter so essential to the welfare and peace of the states, consi away by the pride of superior power and strength dered as neighbors, who had just come out from a most which usually closes the ear to just remonstrance, disastrous conflict, the common dangers and sufferings of there is yet no danger of such a result. But if, reck-which had greatly endeared them to each other; and to less of the fact that he only true cement of the union DEFEND this interest from internal and external aggres is a generous and high-minded affection of its mem- sion, was the true and only ground of the confederation: bers for each other, and that no sordid motives of Or, in the language of an able writer, all that was desired, speculation or selfish desire to prosper upon each "was a FEDERAL HEAD to regulate commerce, and a fes." To secure those objects, all other's injuries or misfortunes, has brought them deral arm to protect us.' together, it must be obvious to every understanding, the powers granted in the constitution, are entirely re that an uncompromising course of self-willed legis ferable. It is a general government, and therefore the lation upon subjects so long and so often objected to, powers are general. The states never intended to give must inevitably end in the worst of consequences. up one particle of power that related to their internal If the subjects of domestic manufactures and inter-police; all the powers of the general government are national; that is to say, they are suited to the whole connal improvement depended upon the question of expediency, we should have nothing to say, for that is a federation as one nation; they are not to operate partially so as to effect one state and not another. All the pow matter purely within the power of congress: anders granted by the general government, with the excep although we should greatly deplore the adoption and tion of taxation, the states cannot legislate upon, so that continued prosecution of a policy obviously grinding when it is necessary to ascertain the powers which be down the resources of one class of the states to long to each, it is alone tested by this principle-If the build up and advance the prosperity of another of the general government can legislate upon it, the states cansame confederacy, yet it would be ours to submit un-not and vice versa. The two governments do not pos der the terms of our compact. All argument is vain against interest supported by power. But we do most solemnly believe, that such policy is contrary to the letter and spirit of the federal constitution. sess concurrent power of legislation on the same subjects. The federal court has declared that "it is the genius and character of the whole government, that its actions is to be applied to all the external and internal All must agree, that the best method of ascertain- concerns which affect the states generally and equaly, ing the intention of the framers of the constitution, but not to those which are completely within a particular state, which do not effect other states, and with which wherever the power is doubtful, is first to get the it is not necessary to interfere for the purpose of execut Letter of the power, and then to the history of its ori-ing some of the general powers of the government." gin, as contained in the journal of the convention.- With these general reflections, let us proceed to conThis is the method we propose to pursue in relationsider the right of the general government to encourage to the two subjects just above expressed. domestic manufactures, under theright to regulate com |