against Mr. Adams. Now we stated explicitly that gen. Jackson of of theoo overtures in March 1825, before he was announced by the legislature of Tennessee as a candidate."

But desirous as I naturally am to repel the calumnies Quincy Adams to the presidency, that Mr. Clay's friends which have been directed against me, the public would made a proposition to his friends that, if they would prohave been spared the trouble of perusing this address, mise for him not to put Mr. Adams into the seat of seif general Jacksou had not, in the course of the last spring cretary of state, Clay and his friends would in one hour and summer, given to them the open sanction of his name. make him, (Jackson), the president. He most indig In his letter to Mr. Beverly of the 6th of June last, he nantly rejected the proposition, and declared he would admits that, in inferring my privity to the proposition not compromise himself; and unless most openly and fairwhich he describes as borne by Mr. Buchanan, he mayly made the president, by congress, he never would rekave done me injustice; and, in his address to the public ceive it. He declares that he said to them that he would of the 18th July last, giving up the name of this gentle- see the whole earth sink under him before he would barman, as his only witness, he repeats that he possibly may gain or intrigue for it." In the Washington city Telehave done me injustice in assuming my authority for that graph of the 26th day of April last, the editor states: "In proposition. He even deigns to honor me with the decla- the Journal of this morning we have another quotation ration of the pleasure which he will experience, if I should from the Democratic Press, purporting to be the official be able to acquit myself! Mr. Buchanan has been heard contradiction by Mr. Clay of the statement of gen. Jackson by the public; and I feel justified in asserting that the first relative to the overtures made to him as to the formation impression of the whole nation was, as it is yet that of of his cabinet, previous to the late election of president." every intelligent mind unbiased by party prejudice, that That gen. Jackson has spoken of such overtures we perhis testimony fully exonerated me, and demonstrated that sonally know." In the same paper of the 28th of April gen. Jackson, to say no more, had greatly misconceived is the following paragraph: The Journal is out this the purport of the interview between them. And further, morning in reply to our remarks of Thursday, in which that so far as any thing improper was disclosed by Mr. they affect to consider it highly improper in general JackB. touching the late presidential election, it affected ge- son to speak of the overtures made by Mr. Clay's friends neral Jackson and his frends, exclusively. He having-and why? because says the Journal, he is a candidate manifestly injured me, speculation was busy, when Mr. Buchanan's statement appeared, as to the course which the general would pursue, after his gratuitous expression ef sympathy with me. There were not wanting many persons, who believed that his magnanimity would imThe charge, if it did not originate with, having been mediately prompt him publicly to retract his charge, and thus sanctioned and circulated by gen. Jackson, and imto repair the wrong which he had done me. I did not par-plicating as well my friends as me, I thought it proper, ticipate in that just expectation, and, therefore felt no dis- having my self repeatedly and positively denied its truth, appointment that it was not realized. Whatever other to resort to the testimony of those gentlemen from the merits he may possess, I have not found among them, in west who had voted with me for Mr. Adams. Accordthe course of my relations with him, that of forbearing ingly a friend of mine, Dr. Watkins, at my instance, adto indulge vindictive passions. His silent contemplation dressed a circular to those gentlemen, during the last of, if not his positive acquiescence in, the most extraor spring, inviting their attention to the Fayetteville letter, dinary interpretation of Mr. Buchanan's statement, that and inquiring if there were any truth in its averments.--ever was given to human language, has not surprised me. And he has obtained from all of them but two, answers If it had been possible for him to render me an act of which are now. presented to the public. These answers spontaneous justice, by a frank and manly avowal of his will be found in the appendix, (see A) arranged accorderror, the testimony now submitted to the public mighting to their respective delegations from which they proceed. The writers of them are men of as high respecta-. Although I feel fully persuaded that the community, bility as any in this union. Where they are known, (and under my peculiar circumstances, will see, without dissatisfaction, if not with cordial approbation, this further several of them are well known in various parts of the country), their statements will command unqualified beeffort to rescue my character from unmerited imputations, lief. The excellence of their characters is so well estabI should nevertheless, have remained silent, and cheer-lished, that a member of the house of representatives, who fully abided its decision, on the diclosures and explana-will not be presumed to be disposed to bestow on them tions heretofore made, if I had no additional facts to of- undeserved encomium, felt himself constrained to bear fer to its consideration. But a body of highly important evidence has been collected, establishing some material oircumstances, not before generally known, and confirm ing others of which the public is already in possesion; and I have thought it due to the occasion not to withhold

kave been unnecessary.

it.

his testimony to it. Mr. McDuffie said in the house of representatives, on the debate of the proposition to refer of Mr. Kremer's card: "Let me add one word to the to a committee the appeal which I made on the occasion friends of Mr. Clay on this floor, (and there are no memGen. Jackson having entirely failed to establish, by any I have been informed that some of his friends suppose bers on this floor, for whom generally I feel more respect), affirmative evidence, either positive or presumptive, the that the amendment I have offered contains something charge which he thought proper to promulgate against which is intended to bear harshly upon them. Not so; me, it occurred to me that it might be possible, difficult as the task generally is to substantiate a negative, to adduce not so. My object is merely to confine the charges made proof of that character, which would establish the ground-against the honorable speaker to the very words of the This just fess nature of his accusation. Prior to the appearance in but voluntary tribute was expressed on the 4th of Febletter of the gentleman from Pennsylvania." the public prints of the letter from Mr. Carter Beverly to his friend in Fayetteville, dated the 8th of March last, Iruary, 1825, (see National Intelligencer, 5th of the same had never believed that gen. Jackson had countenanced month.) On the 31st of March 1826, more than thirteen months after, when the amendment to the constitution the truth, or lent himself to the circulation of the charge. was under discussion, proposing a new mode of electing I had indeed, long before, seen in one of the Nashville president, the same gentleman is reported to have said: papers, assertions, injurious to me, which created some "Now I have the greatest respect for those gentlemen suspicion that they had emanated from him; but I dismiss who were the personal and political friends of Mr. Clay ed these suspicions as being altogether incompatible in the late election of president. Next to my own perwith the lofty character which I wished to believe that he sonal friends, there are none whom I estimate more highpossessed. When, however, I saw that letter, and the uncontradicted corroboration of its contents by the editor ly." (See Nat. Intelligencer, 2d May, 1826.) These answers are not only entitled to the fullest credit, from the of the Washington Telegraph, I was reluctantly compelled to believe that he had given currency to the charges high respectability of the characters of those gentlemen, against me. In that letter Mr. Beverly says: "I have been respectively prepared by themselves, without any but deserve great confidence from the fact that they have just returned from general Jackson's-I found a crowd of company with him. Seven Virginians were of the concert whatever, so far as I know or believe, and when number. He gave me a most friendly reception, and they were at their several residences, widely separated from each other.. urged me to stay some days longer with him. He told me this morning, before all his company, in reply to a question I put to him concerning the election of John

a

The members from Ohio who voted for Mr. Adams, were general McArthur, gen. Vance, gen. Beecher, Mr.

Mr. McLean declares, "that no such proposition was

Sloane, Mr. Wright, Mr. Vinton, Mr. McLean, (brother | was to be given to gen. Jackson for the presidency." He of the post master general), Mr. Whittlesey, Mr. Bart- subjoins that "It was well known to my constituents for ley and Mr. Patterson. From each of these gentlemen many months previous to the late presidential election, it will be seen that an explicit and unqualified negative is that, after Mr. Clay, Mr. Adams was my next choice given to the statements of the Fayetteville letter. Gen. among the distinguished individuals, who were then be McArthur declares them to be "totally destitute of foun-fore the people of the United States as candidates for that dation." He alledges the fact to have been that "the exalted station." Ohio delegation, (or at least a large majority of them), were the first of Mr. Clay's friends who came to the de-ever made within my knowledge, nor have I any cause to termination of voting for Mr. Adams; and that too with- believe that conditions of any sort were made, at any time, out having ascertained Mr. Clay's views on the subject." by the friends of Mr. Clay to any person, on a compli He states that some of the friends of general Jackson used ance with which their vote was made to depend.' the language of menace, whilst others of them employed Mr. Whittlesey avers that "I do not know or believe that of persuasion to prevail on my friends to vote for the that any proposition was ever made by any of Mr. Clay's general; and that they appeared to be willing to make any friends to those of gen. Jackson, on the morning of the promises which they thought "would induce the friends presidential election, or at any other time, having any of Mr. Clay to vote for gen. Jackson." bearing on the candidate to be selected from the three Gen. Vance states: "I say without hesitation that I ne-returned to the house; nor do I know or believe that any ver heard of those, or any other terms being thought of, conditions of any sort were proposed by the friends of as an equivalent for the vote we were about to give; nor Mr. Clay to any person, on a compliance with which their do I believe that the friends of Mr. Clay, or Mr. Clay vote was made to depend;" "but I do believe that the as himself, ever thought of making or suggesting any terms sertion made by general Jackson, as reported by a highly to any one of the parties, as the grounds of our ac-respectable Virginian, and all of the charges of a like ceptance or rejection of either of the three candidates re-character, imputing either to Mr. Adams or to Mr. Clay, turned to the house of representatives, continues: or to their friends, any improper, inconsistent, corrupt er "as one of the original friends of Mr. Clay, I was in the fradulent conduet, on that interesting and momentous habit of free and unreserved conversation, both with him occasion, are base slanders, known to be such by those and his other friends, relative to that election, and I am who put them in circulation." bold to say that I never heard a whisper of any thing like a condition on which our vote was to be given, mentioned either by Mr. Clay himself, or any of his friends, at any time or under any circumstances."

Mr. Bartley expresses the belief in justice to general Jackson, that he never made the declaration alluded to by Mr. Beverly, "for the general was there when the election took place, and must inevitably have known that Gen. Beecher testifies that he did not "know that a such a statement would carry falsehood on the very face friend or the friends of Mr. Clay, ever made any propo- of it." He adds, "I was in the house, I believe, every sition to the friends of gen. Jackson, respecting the elec-day of that session, at which the president was elected; tion of Mr. Adams as president in any way; or as respect- and have no hesitation in saying that so far from making ing gen. Jackson not putting Mr. Adams into the seat of any proposition or overture, were the friends of Mr. secretary of state in case he, (Jackson), should be elected Clay, in favor of the general, that had the friends of the president. Neither am I acquainted with a friend of Mr. general made such a proposition we would have considerClay that would consent to be an agent in such a degrad-ed it as an indignity offered to our integrity and undering transaction. Nor can I admit that the friends of Mr. standing." Clay had so contemptible an opinion of each other, or of Mr. Patterson is brief but pointed. He says: "I frankMr. Clay, as to suppose that the appointment or non-ap-ly state to you that if any such proposition as you state pointment of any man to any office would influence them was made by the friends of Mr. Clay to those of general in the discharge of an important public duty." Jackson, I had no knowledge of it, and I was one of the Mr. Sloane declares, "that I have always supposed my-friends of Clay. I therefore believe the report to be self in the entire confidence of all Mr. Clay's supporters and friends, who were members of congress at the time In passing from the testimony of the delegation from of the presidential election; and that I have no hesitation Ohio to that of Kentucky, we shall find it to be not less in saying that I never heard the most distant insinuation irresistable and decisive in negativing the declaration of from any of them that they would vote for gen. Jackson, gen. Jackson, communicated to the public through Mr. if there was any prospect of choosing either of the other Beverly. The Kentucky delegation consisted of twelve candidates. That any of the friends of Mr. Clay in con- members; eight of whom, Mr. Trimble, Mr. F. John gress ever made any proposition of conditions, on which son, gen. Metcalfe, Mr. Letcher, Mr. Buckner, Mr. their votes would depend, to the friends of gen. Jackson Thompson, Mr. White and myself, voted for Mr. Adams. or any other person, I do not believe." And as to Mr. From six of them, statements have been received. That Clay's accepting an appointment under him, they would from Mr. White has not reached this city; but I am justito a man most certainly have opposed it. I judge of this fied in stating that he has repeatedly, within his district from the opinion which I know they entertained of gen. after his return to Kentucky, borne uuqualified testimo- Jackson's want of capacity; and in fact it was not until ny to the falsehood of all charges of corruption in the some time after the choice of Mr. Adams that they agreed election, and especially to the propriety of my conduct; to advise Mr. Clay to accept of the office he now holds." and I have no doubt that he will, whenever called upon, "In short I feel confident that the whole is a vile and in-repeat the same testimony.

without an honest foundation."

famous falsehood, such as honorable men would not re- Mr. Trimble says, "I do not know of my own know sort to, more especially after having upon full consulta-ledge, nor have I been informed by others, that offers, tion and deliberate consideration, declined an investigation propositions or overtures, such as are spoken of by gen. of the whole matter before a committee of the house of Jackson in his letter to Beverly, or similar thereto, or of representatives." any kind whatever, were made by Mr. Adams or his Mr. Wright states, "I can only say sincerely and un-friends, to Mr. Clay or his friends; or by Mr. Clay or equivocally, that I do not know or believe that any proposition of the kind mentioned as from gen. Jackson, was ever made to the friends of gen. Jackson by the friends of Mr. Clay or any of them; and that I am wholly ignorant of any conditions, of any sort, being proposed to any one of the friends of Mr. Clay, on a compliance with which their vote was made to depend."

Mr. Vinton is equally explicit. He says, "having been one of the friends of Mr. Clay who voted for Mr. Adams, I cheerfully avail myself of this opportunity to say, that I have no knowledge whatever of the above mentioned proposition or any other proposition having been made to gen. Jackson or any of his friends, by Mr. Clay or any of his friends as a condition upon which his or their vote

his friends to gen. Jackson or his friends. I do not know, nor do I believe that Mr. Adams or his friends, made overtures or offers, directly or indirectly, to Mr. Clay or his friends to make him secretary of state, if he and his friends would unite in aid of the election of Mr. Adams. Nor do I know or believe that any pledge or promise of any kind was made by Mr. Adams or his friends to Mr. Clay or his friends, to procure his aid in the election.

"I never heard from Mr. Clay, or any of his friends, or any one else that he was willing to vote for gen. Jackson, if the general would say, or any of his friends for him, that Mr. Adams should not be continued secretary of state. Nor do I know or believe that Mr. Chay ever

Thus there is now before the public the united evidence of the delegation from every western state whose vote was conferred upon Mr. Adams, except that of Mr. Cook, the representative from Illinois. A long and lingering illness, terminating in the death of that gentleman, prevents the submission of his. But it is well known that Mr. Adams was his choice, throughout the whole presidential canvass. Although there existed between him and myself good will and respectful Judge Letcher, the only member of congress who board-intercourse, he never was politically nor personally my ed in the same house with me, during the session at which the presidential election was made, testifies: "I know of no such proposition or intimation, nor have I a knoweledge of any fact or circumstance which would induce me to believe Mr. Clay's friends, or any one of them, ever made such a proposition to the friends of gen. Jackson."

Including Mr. White, the public has the evidence of twenty different members of congress, embracing all my friends, from the western states, who voted for Mr. Adams. Their attention was chiefly directed, in the preparation of their respective statements, to the Fayetteville letter, and it is to them that their testimony Mr. Thompson says: "I know of no proposition made principally applies. On that point, they all concur, in by the friends of Mr. Clay to the friends of general Jack-pronouncing the most unqualified negative, and, on son to make him president if he would not select Mr. other points, several of them are not less explicit. Is Adams to the seat of secretary; and I do not believe a it creditable, is it consistent with the ordinary operations proposition of any kind was made, and I expect if the of human nature, that these gentlemen, without any friend of the general should ever speak on the subject, personal interest or motive whatever, should have first he will be a second Kremer." basely given their concurrence to dishonorable overtures, for my sole benefit, and then should unanimously agree in falsifying themselves?

ference of either of the other candidates. I remembered He communicated the substance of this conversation to distinctly the conversation I had held with Dr. Drake and George Robinson esq. the speaker of the house of reJohn J. Crittenden, esq. and therefore referred to them. presentatives of Kentucky, who concurred with him, that In several instances, similar conversations have been I could not consistently, under any circumstances vote for since brought to my recollection by gentlemen with gen. Jackson. When the same resolutions were before whom, or in whose presence they occurred; and it is, the senate, (of which col. Davidson was then a member), from a voluntary and friendly communication of the pur-he rose in his place and opposed them, and among the port of them, that I am now enabled to lay before the views which he presented to that body, he stated that all public a considerable portion of the mass of testimony, the resolutions which they could pass during the whole (including that of Dr. Drake), on that particular topic session would not induce me to abandon what I conceived which is now presented. (See appendix B.) to be my duty, and that he knew I could not concur with This testimony establishes that, on various occasions the majority of the legislature on that subject. and times, beginning in Kentucky as early as about the John J. Crittenden, esq. (who is refered to in the cir1st of October, 1824, and continued in the city of Wash-cular to my constituents, but whose statement has never ington, down to the period when my determination to before been exhibited to the public) testifies: that, "some vote for Mr. Adams was generally known in this city, I time in the fall of 1824, conversing upon the subject of uniformly expressed my conviction of gen. Jackson's the then pending presidential election, and speaking in want of qualification, and my fixed resolution not to vote reference to your exclusion from the contest, and to your for him, if I were called upon to give a vote. These sen-being called upon to decide and vote between the other timents, long cherished, were deliberately expressed, to candidates who might be returned to the house of repregentlemen of the highest respectability, most of them my sentatives, you declared that you could not, or that it was personal and particular friends, in all of whose estimation impossible for you to vote for gen. Jackson in any event." must have stood dishonored, if I had voted for gen. Jack-My impression is that this conversation took place at son contrarily to my declared purpose. This purpose capt. Weisiger's tavern in this town [Frankfort, Ky.] was avowed immediately preceding my departure from not very long before you went on to congress in the fall Kentucky to attend congress, and immediately on my preceding the last presidential election; and that the dearrival here after the termination of the journey. David claration made by you as above stated, was elicited by Trimble, esq. states that, about the first of October, 1824, some intimation that fell from me of my preference for he held a conversation with me at Frankfort, in Kentucky, gen. Jackson over all the other candidates except youron the subject and prospects of the pending election, self." which he details minutely, and that in the course of it Í So unalterably fixed was my resolution prior to my said "that I could not consistently with my principles departure from Kentucky, I have no doubt that in my vote for gen. Jackson, under any possible circumstances." promiscuous and unreserved intercourse among my acI urged to him all the objections which weighed on my quaintances in that state, others not recollected by me mind, and which have been so often stated, and especially could bear testimony to the undeviating and settled deter that which is founded upon gen. Jackson's possession of mination of my mind. It will be now seen that after and military pretension only. And, in reference to an objec-immediately on my arrival at the city of Washington, I tion which Mr. Trimble understood me as entertaining adhered to this purpose, and persevered in it until it was against Mr. Adams, growing out of the negotiations at executed by the actual deposite of my vote in the ballot, Ghent, Mr. Trimble states that I remarked, that it had box. been "greatly magnified by the friends of his competitors" for electioneering purposes;" "that it ought to have no influence in the vote which he might be called upon to give; that, if he was weak enough to allow his personal feelings to influence his public conduct, there would be no change in his mind on that account, because he was then on much worse terms with gen. Jackson about the Seminole war, than he could ever be with Mr. Adams about the treaty of Ghent; that in the selection of a chief magistrate for the union he would endeavor to disregard all private feelings, and look entirely to the interests of the country and the safety of its institutions."

It appears from the letter of Mr. Robert Trimble, (one of the associate justices of the supreme court of the U. States), which accompanies that of Mr. D. Trimble, that the latter had avowed to the former, as early as February or March 1824, his preference of Mr. Adams to either of the three candidates who were actually returned to the house of representatives.

In a day or two after I reached the city, and on several other occasions, I had long and unreserved conversations with Mr. Johnston, senator from Louisiana, to an account of which, as given in his letter in the appendix, I invite particular attention. The first was on the Saturday or Sunday before the commencement of congress in 1824, and after I had seen Mr. Crawford. I stated to Mr. Johnston that, notwithstanding all I had heard, I had no idea of his actual condition, and that it was out of the question to think of making him president. We convers ed fully on the respective pretensions of Mr. Adams and gen. Jackson, and, after drawing a parallel between them, concluded by expressing a preference for Mr. Adams, which turned principally on his talents and experience in civil affairs." After the return of the votes of Louisia na, and after the resolutions of the general assembly of Kentucky were received, Mr. Johnston states my adhe rence to that preference. He concludes by observing "that no fact ever came to my knowledge that could in Col. Davidson, (the treasurer of the state of Kentucky, the slightest degree justify the charge which has been exand a man of unblemished honor and unquestionable vehibited. On the contrary, I know that your opinion did racity), states, that during a visit which I made to Frank-not undergo any change from the time I first saw you on fort in the fall of 1824, and he thinks only a few days your return to Washington," that is, prior to the meeting prior to my departure from Kentucky, to attend congress, it must therefore have been early in November, as I left home before, or about the tenth of that month), he had a conversation with me about the then pending presidential election, in the course of which he remarked, that I would have some difficulty to encounter in making a selection Although not immediately connected with the main amongst the candidates if I should be excluded from the object of this address, I think it proper to refer to a part house. To which I replied: "I suppose not much; in of Mr. Johnston's letter, as sustaining two several statethat event I will endeavor to do my duty faithfully." He ments made by me on former occasions. I stated, in my adds that I stated in the course of the conversation: "I address to my constituents that, if I had received the cannot concieve of any event that can possibly happen vote of Louisiana and been one of the three candidates which could induce me to support the election of gen. returned, I had resolved, at a time when there was every Jackson to the presidency. For if I had no other objec-probability of my receiving it, that I would not allow tion, his want of the necessary qualification would be sufficient." These remarks made a strong and lasting impression on col. Davidson's mind, and when the resolutions were before the legislature, requesting the delegation to vote for gen. Jackson, col. Davidson informed several of his friends of the conversation with me, and that he was convinced I would not support gen. Jackson.

of congress. During the present summer, two gentlemen in the state of Mississippi, voluntarily told Mr. Johnston that they heard me express a decided preference of Mr. Adams, at Lexington, before I left home for Washington.

my name, in consequence of the small number of votes by which it would be carried into the house, if I were returned, to constitute an obstacle to an election. Mr. Johnston says: "You replied that you would not permit the country to be disturbed a day on your account, that you would not allow your name to interfere with the prompt decision of the question." I stated at Noble's

inn, near Lexington, last summer, that I had requested a senator, when my nomination as secretary of state was acted upon, to move a committee of inquiry, if it should appear to him necessary. Mr. Johnston says: "After your nomination was confirmed, you informed me that you had requested gen. Harrison to move for a committee in the senate, if any thing occurred to make it necessary. I replied that I did not think any thing had occurred to require a committee on your part."

Mr. Bouligny, the other senator from Louisiana, between whom and myself a friendly intimacy has existed throughout our acquaintance, makes a statement, which is worthy of peculiar notice. He bore to me the first authentic information- which I received of the vote of Louisiana, and consequently of my exclusion from the house. And yet, in our first interview, in answer to an inquiry which he made, I told him, without hesitation, "that I should vote for Mr. Adams in preference to gen. Jackson."

gencer.] If the conversation took place before that excursion, it must have been on, or prior to the 16th of December. But he says that I was out of the "presidential candidature." Whether I should be returned to the house or not, was not ascertained until the vote of Louisiana was known. Rumors had reached this city of the issue of it, previous to the 20th of the month; but the first certain intelligence of it was brought here by Mr. Senator Bouligny on the 20th, according to his recollection. On gen. Lafayette's return from Annapolis, the probability is that the subject of the presidential election was a common topic of conversation, as information had then just reached this city from Louisiana. I called to see him immediately after his return, and, as it had been very confidently expected that I would receive the vote of Louisiana, it is quite likely that it was on that occasion that he held the conversation with me. This would fix the day to have been prior to Christmas. But whatever was the actual day, there can be no doubt that it was before the memorable interview between gen. Jackson and Mr. Buchanan.

With the present secretary of war I had a conversation in the early part of the session of 1824-5, on returning from a dinner, at the Celana conege, at winch we both Hore, then, is an unbroken chain of testimony, comwere, in company with gen. Lafayette and others. The mencing early in October 1824, and extending to nearly day of the dinner was the 15th of December, which may the end of the year, establishing, beyond all controversy, be verified by a resort to the National Intelligencer. In my fixed and unwatering dosision not to vote for gen. the course of that conversation, Mr. Barbour states that Jackson. This purpose is deliberately manifested at he expressed himself, in the event of the contest being different periods, in different places, and to distinguished "narrowed down to Mr. Adams and gen. Jackson, in fa- individuals who would have been the last in society that vor of Mr. Adams, and Mr. Clay expressed a coinci-I should have thought of deceiving. This testimony dence of opinion." It will be recollected that gen. La- stands unopposed, and, with truth, cannot be opposed by fayette was in Washington during the greater part of the a solitary individual. There does not exist a human besession of the presidential election. He mentioned the ing, and if the dead could be recalled, one could not be subject to me with his characteristic delicacy. Without summoned from the grave, who could truly testify that seeking to influence my vote, or manifesting the least I ever expressed or ever intimated the remotest intention disposition to interfere in the election, he made a simple to vote for gen. Jackson, in any contingency whatever. inquiry of me, which I am quite sure was prompted by As to him, my mind was never for a moment in doubt the deep interest which he felt in every thing that con- or difficulty. And whatever personal predilection I cerns the welfare of this country. I am happy to be able might have entertained for Mr. Crawford, of whose now to submit the statement of the general of what pass- state of health there were such opposite representations ed between us on that occasion. He says: "Blessed as I in the public prints, when I saw him myself, there was have lately been with the welcome, and conscious as it no alternative in my judgment but that which I embrac is my happy lot to be of the affection and confidence of ed. I have reason to believe that gen. Jackson and his all parties and all men in every party within the United friends cherished no expectation that I would vote for States, feelings which I most cordially reciprocate, I ever him. Gen. Call, the then delegate from Florida, was have thought myself bound to avoid taking any part in his ardent and intimate friend, and had been his aid. local or personal divisions. Indeed, if I thought that in They travelled together on their journey to Washington these matters my influence could be of any avail, it city in the fall of 1824. In a letter from gen. Jackson should be solely exerted to deprecate, not by far, the free, to Mr. Eaton, which is contained in the 66th page of the republican, and full discussion of principles and candi- 28th vol. of Niles' Register: he states that gen. Call dates, but those invidious slanders which, although they was with him on that journey, and be refers to him as are happily repelled by the good sense, the candor, and in corroborating his own memory relative to a transaction domestic instances, by the delicacy of the American peo- at Washington, (Pennsylvania.) It is presumable that ple, tend to give abroad incorrect and disparaging impres- the election with its prospects and hopes must have fre sions. Yet, that line of conduct from which I must not quently formed a subject of conversation on the journey. deviate except in imminent cases, now out of the ques- It can scarcely be doubted that gen. Call was well action, does not imply a forgetfulness of facts nor a refu- quainted with gen. Jackson's views and expectations. sal to state them occasionally. My remembrance con- At a tavern at Rockville, in Maryland, about fifteen miles curs with your own on this point, that in the latter end from this city, during that same journey, gen. Call and of December, either before or after my visit to Anna- several other gentlemen engaged in conversation about polis, you being out of the presidential candidature, and the presidential election. John Braddock, esq. (a genafter having expressed my abovementioned motives of tleman not known to me, but who, I understand, is a forbearance, I, by way of a confidential exception, allow-merchant of great respectability), was present; and he ed myself to put a simple unqualified question, respect- states that "when the vote which Mr. Clay would proing your electioneering guess, and your intended vote. bably give was spoken of, gen. Call declared that the Your answer was that in your opinion, the actual state of friends of gen. Jackson did not expect Mr. Clay to vote health of Mr. Crawford had limited the contest to a for him, and if he did so, it would be an act of duplicity choice between Mr. Adams and gen. Jackson; that a on his part." [See appendix C.] claim founded on military atchievements did not meet your preference, and that you had concluded to vote for Mr. Adams. Such has been, if not the literal wording, at least the precise sense of a conversation which it would have been inconsistent for me to carry farther and not to keep a secret, while a recollection of it, to assist your memory I should not now deny, not only to you as my friend, but to any man in a similar situation.”

In gen. Jackson's address to the public of the 18th of July last, touching his previous statements to Mr. Beverly, and communicating the name of Mr. Buchanan, as the gentleman who bore the imaginary overture, he says, the origin-the beginning of this matter was at my own house and fireside; where surely a freeman may be per mitted to speak on public topics, without having ascribed to him improper designs." From this statement, the Gen. Lafayette was not able to state, with absolute pre-fair inference is, that gen. Jackson intends to aver that cision, the date of the conversation between us, nor can I undertake to specify the day, although I retain a perfeet recollection of the conversation. It was, he says, "in the latter end of December, either before or after my visit to Annapolis, you being out of the presidential candidature." He left Washington on the 16th for Anpapolis, and returned on the 21st. (See National Intelli

he had never before spoken of his charge against me. The "origin-the beginning" of this matter was, he says, at his own fireside; that is, it was in March, 1827, when, according to Mr. Beverly, before a crowd of company, of which there were no less than seven Virginians, he proclaimed his accusation. The obligation to observe the principles of honor, and to speak with scrupulous vera