attentions. In Indiana, the first has been pronounced by the great heart of his countrymen a much injured man, and a model for all future statesmen. In Massachusetts, the other iias figured in the character of a Christian martyr, rescucd from the arena by miraculous interposition, and has been held up to the admiration of mankind amid equally violent palpitations of the organ above referred to. Now, if either of these gentlemen be entitled to credit on his oath, the other is utterly unworthy of belief, and if the more plausible story of the two be a true one, both men alike are guilty of bribery in the public service. There would, therefore, seem to be some trouble about the popular organ of which we have heard so much. A fatty degeneration, perhaps, or something equally terrible. The political “ Doctor” who, knowing the land's disease, will, in these days, “ purge it to a sound and pristine health,” will certainly deserve to be applauded “to the very echo.”

The last state of the Forty-second Congress was much worse than the first. In addition to the Credit Mobilier revelations, reflecting as they did upon members of both Houses, many of whom had up to that time enjoyed, as they seemed to deserve, the public confidence, we have had some spectacles of the most painful character. In the House of Representatives a bill was introduced to increase the pay of the President, Vice-president, Cabinet and Judges of the Supreme Court-a very commendable measure. Few persons could be found to object to the bill thus far. The salaries of these officers have for many years been at much too low a figure, and there is something absurd in maintaining that of the Chief Magistrate at the sum named by Washington as the probable cost of the office in his day. The rise in every. thing since then has been prodigious, and the purchasing power of money has greatly fallen, and little can be said against the proposition to increase the salaries of the Executive and Judicial members of the government. The ministers who represent us abroad are also notoriously ill-paid, and something might properly have been done for them. But the wise gentlemen who controlled this bill determined to treat it as many a proper measure has been treated before; to make its shoulders bear the weight of an improper one. They first tacked on an amendment increasing their

own pay twenty-five hundred dollars. The question whether or not this was in good taste apart, they had reason for urging this too. The cost of living in Washington is great, and the figure named is not excessive. Thus far secure, they sprang on the House, in the last days of the last session of the Congress, an amendment to rnake this increase apply to themselves as well as to their successors. Here, then, was the real reason for so much zeal in behalf of an ill-paid President and impecunious judges. Hinc illa lachrymæ ! No one proposed to give the President the addition to his salary for the last term as well as the next. Charity begins at home. A few of the better class voted against this, and spoke against it-the mass remained silent—two or three bold spirits urged it with vehemence and skill—notably one of argentivorous fame, with force and dexterity, and the amendment passed. The Speaker drew himself out of the crowd by declining to consider the measure applicable to his office, and soon afterward the House adjourned. Thus, amid a shower of greenbacks, the Forty-second Congress passed into history.

MR. DISRAELI said, the other day, in commenting on a proposed measure, that "it was well to remind the House occasionally, that it had the functions of a senate as well as those of a vestry.” It may become necessary to remind the United States Senate that it is not simply a Quarter Sessions jury. For a number of weeks its time has been occupied with questions involving the honor of several of its members It has failed to be prompt ; it has failed to satisfy the country; it has failed to act worthily of its own dignity and fame. A Vice-president and nine Senators make a long list of distinguished accused.

Three terribly inculpated persons ceased to be Senators on the fourth of March ; a fourth has been the subject of a report out of which nothing can be made ; another refuses to notice the accusations against him. The affairs of three new Senators are, it is said, to be investigated, but at the present writing Mr. Alexander Caldwell, of Kansas, is the most imposing figure in the dock. He has been shown to be guilty of having bought at least two votes, of having paid $15,000 for the withdrawal of a dangerous rival, and of other corrupt practices at his election to the Senate. The committee of investigation, judging, perhaps, that

the Senate which had refused to believe ill of Pomeroy and Clayton and suffered Patterson's case to pass without censure, would hardly be up to the point of expelling Caldwell, reported a resolution declaring his seat vacant. This has given rise to a debate in which several questions have been discussed. Some who are in favor of Caldwell's expulsion, doubt the power of the Senate to inquire into the matters preceding his election. Others fear to establish a precedent, and take refuge behind technicalities. The Sen. ate chamber has listened to legal arguments by Mr. Thurman and Mr. Carpenter, and has endured a whole broadside of Mr. Logan's logic. Mr. Conkling, in a long and modest speech, thinks Mr. Caldwell should not be expelled, because to bribe a rival to withdraw with a check for $15,000, if one can afford so large a sum, is, in his (Mr. Conkling's) opinion, not a whit worse than to take money in pay for political speeches, which, he grieves to learn, Mr. Schurz has done. Mr. Cameron's defense of the immaculate Caldwell is drowned in pouring rain which drives the Senate into adjournment—to ponder, perhaps, on Mr. Conkling's opinion of Mr. Schurz's wickedness, or on the idea of another Senator that the culprit should not suffer because he is only known to have bribed two voters, while he had, at his election, a majority of six. And so, illumined, occasionally, by arguments like these the dull debate drags along from day to day. The country waits and watches with a steady gaze, and all the while, Caldwell sits, serenely, in the Senate, calmly confiding in the protection of his own virtue. Poor, defenseless man !

Governor Dix, of New York, has fully justified those who built their hopes upon his, firmness and manliness of character. In refusing to commute the sentence of Foster he resisted as terrible a pressure as ever sought to sway a man's judgment. In a calm and earnest letter to Dr. Tyng, who was foremost in seeking to save Foster's life, the Governor gives his reasons for doing what he conceives to be his duty. They are such as one would expect from him. With a tenderness that is morbid, for which we are remarkable in this country, we forget that when a jury has pronounced upon a man's guilt, and the courts have determined that he has been lawfully tried and found guilty, his punishment becomes a question of the execution of the laws. A jury is not required to consider the consequences, but the act itself, and to find, not whether a man shall be imprisoned for life or put to death, but whether or not he is guilty of the offense with which he is charged. For certain crimes the wisdom of mankind, directed and modified by experience, has fixed certain punishments, and he deserves well of his country who, unmoved by fear or favor and undismayed by responsibility, stands firmly by his duty, as he understands it, and executes the command of that law which is the safeguard of us all.



sT will be conceded that the first cause of the conquest of Spain I is to be found in the judgment, tenacity, valor and skill of Musa Ibn Nosseyr, who had confronted on the opposite side of the narrow channel an enervate nation with the power and purpose to invade it. To this should be added the energy and fidelity of his generals, and especially of Tarik el Tuerto, who had urged the crossing, and was to be sent at the head of the expedition.

The second or inmediate cause is to be found in a doubtful legend, full, however, of a real philosophy. Indeed the historian who neglects legends because they are fabulous, abandons foolishly the most brilliant and valuable materials from which history is to be written. The hero of the legend is Count Ilyan ; the heroine, his daughter. As this story is mentioned by most of the historians, Arabian and Spanish, and as it contains an important truth, it is proper that it should be given, in outline at least, in these pages. If it be not true in fact, as an allegory it is full of truth. Count Ilyan, the lord or sahib of Ceuta, was a man whose identity and whose power cannot be questioned, but whose office and position are not so easily defined.

It is even difficult to discover the extent of the possessions, and the nature of their tenure, held by the Gothic monarchs in Spain at the time of the coming of the Arabs; but we may gather that, when Musa appeared, the governors of Tangier and Ceuta held but slack allegiance to the kings at Toledo. They were rather tributary princes in their strongholds, whose power had grown formidable by reason of the indolence of the Gothic monarchs, their distance from the capital, and the lack of ready communication. During the reign of Wittiza they had been fighting against the Moors, and keeping the districts in subjection, in his name indeed, since he had sent them troops and munitions of war, and because they formed the outlying picket of the realm. But there were factions in the state ; and it will be readily seen that the hope of preferment or reward, or the instinct of revenge, might cause them to join even a national enemy in order to destroy a wicked and oppressive sovereign. Such, in a bold statement, was exactly the case. Ilyan had a quarrel with the king, and was tempted in an evil hour to seek his revenge, by ushering the Arabian arms into Spain, with the general understanding or hope, doubtless, that, when Roderik should be deposed and a large booty secured, they should return to Africa and be content to dwell there. Mad act, fatal logic, and vain hope !

Ilyan is made to bear several characters. He was a Comes Spatharorium of the king. He was al Mukaddam, or adelantado ; a very independent sort of subject, a sort of vice-king. Holding both sides of the strait, and being a very powerful lord, he seems to have added to his fortune by a monopoly of commerce, and therefore figures in some of the Arabian histories as a “ Berber merchant.” He is said to have married the sister of Wittiza, and to have been disaffected by the treatment which the sons of Wittiza had received through the usurpation of Roderik. They had gone over, upon the new accession, to Africa, and had presented their grievances to Ilyan. In the internal confusion incident to the change in dynasty, reinforcements were no longer sent him, and while this slackened his allegiance, it threw him also upon his own resources and self-reliance. His army was recruited from among the Berbers. He was resolute, brave, and without a spice of patriotism. The Spain of Roderik was no home for him. The country was ripe for revolt. Many wanted only an amelioration of the evils. Ilyan and the sons of Wittiza wanted vengeance on Roderik at any cost. But a fair excuse for the treason was not yet matured in his mind. He had resisted

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