education, a university without a curriculum of modern history and philosophy would be an anomaly, and a graduate of such a university would be to many educated men intellectually a curiosity. In the peculiar circumstances existing in Ireland, as the result of England's policy, there may perhaps be something to say in support of such a plan, but with all, except the strictest advocates for paternal government, the measure would be vastly unpopular. As to the "Conscience" clause, as it may be called, it would, if fully applied, in effect make examinations a mere empty form, for however ignorant of principles the candidate might be, his "theory," to which the examiners must respectfully bow, would undoubtedly help him through. The fate of this bill certainly shows that educational reform in Ireland cannot be accomplished so long as it is necessary to resort to weak expedients, and efforts at compromise where no compromise is possible. NOTHING of great importance has occurred in Spain and France during the last month. The Carlists, led by an enthusiastic priest, the curé of Santa Cruz, have been distinguishing themselves by attacking defenseless towns and unprotected railway trains. We hear, however, that the government forces have recently given them a severe whipping, and captured the curé's mother and sister, who will be held as hostages. We have had a dispatch or two referring, with the delicious vagueness characteristic of the cable newsman, to the proclamation at Barcelona of a Federal Republic, and the departure thither, post-haste, of Figueras, with the intention of putting a stop to the movement. A later dispatch mentions a telegram from him to his colleagues, stating that the misguided people of Barcelona seem determined to support the party of decentralization. Considering all things, it is wonderful that Spain has progressed through the past few weeks with so little trouble and disturbance. Whether the end be Alphonso, Carlos, Monpensier, or a Republic like our own, she is at this time in a state of transition. And France, as a Rhode Island deacon said of himself, remains "in a state of quo." It is amusing to note how unrepublican the French idea of government really is. Paris continues in a state of siege, the Assembly in a constant efferverscence. The reports of the sittings sparkle all over with "incidents," "movements" and "sensations." Presi dent Thiers still manages to keep it in order by the aid of timely colds and intermitted indispositions, but there is not perfect peace. At one time an obnoxious prince is summarily expelled the country, at another an injudicious journal is suppressed. Meantime the Radicals are urging one another to bide their time; dissension divides the monarchical ranks; death has deprived the Bonapartes of their leader and their cause, and for the nonce, greener fields and newer pastures have attracted the choice spirits of the Commune to Madrid. MR. BOUTWELL'S election to the Senate would be an event of great importance if the policy of the Treasury were likely to be changed by his retirement from the Cabinet. Such, however, is not the case. The President has appointed as his successor Judge Richardson, who will carry on the department, without doubt, in the light of the gospel according to Boutwell. He is said to be a man of character and ability, and has the merit of knowing the duties of his office. In this respect the appointment is a good one, and the busy speculations of Washington correspondents as to the other Cabinet offices are set at rest by the re-appointment of all the late incumbents. These officers have been generally efficient, and among the constant changes of our rotatory system it is satisfactory to find that the President is not wholly a believer in the ingenious theory, that the fact that a man has held an office long enough to understand all its duties is a sufficient reason for dismissing him. The idea that offices are schools in which men are to be taught certain duties which, when they have become proficient, they must never be suffered to discharge, is confined to America. It does not seem to be a part of General Grant's political creed. It is singular, however, that, with his evident good intentions and the judgment which his friends say he possesses, he should have made as many mistakes in appointments as he cer. tainly has. No President since Washington ever went into office so entirely untrammeled as Grant, and from none were greater things expected. And yet it must be said that that expectation has not been fulfilled. The material he had to use was often bad, but his appointments have been disappointments in nine cases out of ten. But now that he has entered on his new term, with the experience which, as he himself says, will be of service to him, there is reason to hope for better things. One feature of some of his most severely criticised appointments is to be commended. He has made it possible for a man to step into the highest offices without passing through all the lower ones in succession. A President may in the future disregard the "claims" of the politician and party hack, and choose his highest assistants from the ranks of those whose purity and modesty have hitherto kept their virtue and ability out of the service of the State. THE Inaugural ceremonies passed off without accident. day was blustering and cold, and to stand in the streets, as thousands did for hours, was a test of patriotism which they bore well. It is sad to think how slight was their reward. A larger attendance of "fellow-citizens," a greater display of bunting, and a more expensive and less successful ball than usual seem to have been the chief features of the occasion. Of the latter (the ball), we are told that no device succeeded in warming the building in which it was held. Everything was cold, including the collation, and the attempt of a white man to arouse some warmth of feeling in the company, by promenading and dancing with a colored beauty, failed to melt the most conservative. The President was there, with the new Vice-president and other dignitaries, but they soon departed to less frigid scenes. If one may place implicit reliance in the newspaper accounts, there must be something in the vice-presidential office provocative of smiles. Mr. Colfax's proficiency has become proverbial, and now we are told that "Mr. Wilson was radiant with smiles;" and again, "the new Vicepresident was smiling on every one.' It is a satisfaction to know that although one luminary sank beneath a cloud, his successor, in the language of the P. R., “came up smiling." The chief interest of the occasion centered in the President's address. It is, on the whole, simple, direct, and manly. After a few general remarks, in which he expresses his belief that "the civilized world is tending toward Republicanism," he touches upon the negro question with the sensible remark that "social equality is not a subject to be legislated upon." "Give him (the negro) access to schools, and, when he travels let him feel that his conduct will regulate the treatment and the fare he will receive." This is excellent advice to his white countrymen. Alluding to Santo Domingo he reiterates his belief that the aquisition of that island would have blessed both them that gave and them that took, but declares that he will, in the future, decline. to recommend any plan "for the acquisition of territory, unless it has the support of the people;" a wise determination, which, taken some years ago, would have saved him much annoyance and the Republican party some severe trials. He then goes on to enumerate the various subjects to which his efforts shall be drected, remarking of the Civil Service Reform, that "the spirit of the rules adopted will be maintained." He is no doubt perfectly sincere when he says that he looks forward with anxiety to a release from the responsibilities which have weighed upon him so heavily since 1861. He will certainly have earned repose when he shall have completed the sixteenth year of his memorable public service. One can hardly turn from the inaugural, however, without wishing that the President had not thought it necessary to speak of the annoyances to which he has been subjected in the manner in which he did. "I performed a conscientious duty," he says in conclusion, "without asking promotion or command, and without a revengeful feeling toward any section or individual. Notwithstanding this, throughout the war, and from my candidacy for my present office in 1868 to the close of the last presidential campaign, I have been the subject of abuse and slander scarcely ever equaled in political history, which to-day, I feel I can disregard in view of your verdict, which I gratefully accept as my vindication." Slandered and abused he has been, no doubt, but so has been every other public man in this and every other country. Washington had his full proportion of it, and so had Jackson and Clay and Webster. Lincoln bore more than his own share, for he was the target for all the arrows that were aimed at the principles he defended as well as for those that sought to injure his country, and, less happy than the rest, he died in the harness. No one was ever more abused than the late Mr. Greeley, and it seems a little unfortunate that General Grant should have marred the effect of his address by an allusion to himself in questionable taste. He has been especially blest in having passed through his trials to this happy time, when all over the land there seems to be arising the dawn of "an era of good feeling," and the lion and the lamb are giving evidences of a disposition to lie down together. There will no doubt be many an aspirant for the place of the little child who shall lead them in the direction of the White House four years hence. By that time, indeed, nails now pared to smoothness will have grown to harmful length, but, for the moment, everything is lovely, and full of peace. THE Credit Mobilier business is finally at an end. A debate in a House densely crowded with ladies relieved the emotions of the members, furnished them with mail matter for distribution among their constituents and amused the highly intelligent audience that had fought valiantly for seats in the gallery and on the floor. Mr. Ames, seating himself behind a huge bouquet, calmly awaited the attack of his enemies. His champion and friend, General Butler, sallied forth upon them armed to the teeth. In Mr. Ames he saw nothing but injured innocence, and, while he spoke of so much virtue in distress, the subject of his eulogy watered his flowers with an occasional timely tear. The spectacle of the enfeebled Mr. Brooks stretched at length upon a sofa, moved many a manly heart and convinced numbers of reflecting minds of the weakness of the charges against him. It surprised no one to learn that the House declined to expel the chief culprits, although no speaker seems to have quoted the parable concerning the casting of the first stone, or the proverb about glass houses. It is to be hoped that the tone of the House is not a fair reflection of that of the people, and, if one can judge by that of the press, it would not seem to be. Unfortunately, the latter has no little of the spirit of Southey's "Devil" when a trifle indisposed. Since the exposure it has been very severe on the wickedness of the Congressional world, and the sinful lusts of the Congressional flesh. If it did not in this represent the popular feeling we are in a bad way. To the enthusiastic philosophers who so frequently refer to "the great heart of the American people" as to a court from which there can be no appeal because it is infallible, we must look for an explanation of a phenomenon to which we have been treated during the past month. Mr. Colfax, at South Bend, and Mr. Ames, at Easton, have been the recipients of the most flattering |