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Premier Li Peng has argued that the military troops were forced to shoot bullets into the mob because the troops did not have enough tear gas, and the water pressure was too low to supply water cannons. But clear evidence shows that dum dum bullets were used to shoot the peaceful civilians. We all know that China is a member state of the Geneva Convention which outlaws these weapons. This picture from a Hong Kong newspaper shows the the results of an exploding, dum dum bullet that left the head of this dead demonstrator, and also gruesomely depicts the remains of a person crushed by a tank.

I have also noticed that the Chinese government has major reservations about Article 20 of the Geneva Convention. This article states that international investigations of atrocities shall be organized. I call for the U.S. Congress to urge the United Nations to investigate what happened in China and for all nations to join in refusing to rearm the Chinese army, which has used its forces to kill its own people.

In 1988, China signed the Convention on Prevention and Punishment of Torture and the Inhuman Punishment and Degrading Treatment. In violation of this convention, on June 7, 1989, China's official central television station, publicly broadcastes a series of horrifying pictures in which the apprenehended "counterrevolutionaries" were handcuffed and bound to trees, having been beaten or tortured beforehand. The public display of these terrifying pictures is a degradation and humiliation of the prisoners' human dignity and a violation of this convention.

More than one million demonstrators for democracy stood in Tienerman Square over a period of one month. Workers from factories offered their words of support, as did farmers and people throughout Chinese society. The Peking regime waited unsure of how to respond, in the face of this massive public support. In order to persuade the military to take strong action, Deng promised to expand their forces by 25 percent this year. The U.S. government should not in any way contribute to this mindless, uneconomic expansion of the military in China. China needs to improve its industrial base, not strengthen its army.

Complete sanctions should be imposed on all military equipment and all high technology that could be used for military purposes, including supercomputers, fiberoptic communication packages, and the production of jeeps by Chrysler/Beijing Jeep Joint Venture. The U.S. should take the lead in stopping military sales to China, but will also need to work closely with its allies to prevent the growth of the military sector at this critical time. I thank you for your help in in creating appropriate economic consequences for the reactionary politics now underway in China, on behalf of my fellows here and in my homeland.

Mr. SOLARZ. Thank you, Mr. Ye, for your very thoughtful testimony and for your kind comments.

Mr. Ke, if you can summarize your views in about five minutes, that would be helpful.

STATEMENT OF KE GANG Mr. KE GANG. Fine. I'll do my best.

Dear Chairman and Congressmen, on behalf of our 400 mainland Chinese scholars who join me in renouncing their membership in the Communist Chinese Party, I thank you for inviting me to testify and for the opportunity attention that this Congress is showing to the cause of freedom and democracy in China. I am the Director of the CCP Resignation Coordinating Committee and formerly a researcher with the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. I am completing my doctoral studies at the University of Maryland, Department of Government and Politics.

Today, I want to discuss the views of many of us who are fortunate enough to be here on what actions the U.S. Government should take to uphold the sense of justice, to prevent further repression and executions, and to allow the growth of democratic ideas in China. I think that economic sanctions are very necessary because they provide an appropriate political response from the U.S. to the Chinese government atrocities, since the criminal deserves a punishment at any rate. Economic sanctions seem to be the only language that China may heed and also the only type of thing that the regime cannot afford. On the other hand, such actions on the part of the U.S. also will encourage the moderate elements within China to continue to press their case for economic and political reforms in China.

Of course, the type of economic sanctions to be undertaken should be measured so as not to isolate China altogether from the world community, but to show that the world will not stand silent when a government cruelly represses its own peoples' request for basic human rights.

The issue of economic sanctions I propose should not be dealt with only in economic terms, since it is very important to declare the U.S. Government's moral and political position and determination on international issues. At the same time, to prevent China from going back to economic and political isolation, the U.S. Government should carefully distinguish between the state and private sectors, between central and local enterprises, and further find the equilibrium between the short-term tactic and long-term strategy and between economic contact and political obligation. In light of this, the U.S. Government I think should concentrate on centralized industries, such as highway industries, governmental high tech programs, and military production.

Regarding the political relation with China, in light of the Chinese government's repression of the democracy movement, the U.S. Government should act more determinedly as a strong advocate of democracy and world leader of freedom to carry out this principle. The U.S. Government should adopt the policies in which the Chinese government is always put under international political pressures, reminding them of the price they have to pay possibly inducing political change that might be taking place in or out of the CCP.

I would like to suggest that a wait and see policy, or policy of maintaining the supremacy of commercial relations over human rights in China, should be formally abandoned because these policies can only cater to the haste of a short-term partner, the repressive regime, and lose the long-term partner, the Chinese people.

Let me take a moment and tell you about our understanding of what happened in China and what is continuing to happen. On the night of June 3rd and 4th, thousands of persons were killed. I cannot tell you how many because the government is not releasing this information, and may never have collected it in the first place. The aftermath of this crackdown on democratic forces in China, according to the People's Daily in Mainland China, 10,000 persons have been arrested and detained, 5,000 people in Beijing alone. Many of them face the threat of execution.

These people are not mere numbers to be recited here at a hearing such as this, but as the flesh and blood of the future of China. Professor Li Honglin, a distinguished member of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and a leading advisor to Zhao's cabinet on economic reform, has been arrested. We have no idea of his whereabouts or well-being. Many other distinguished colleagues from this "think tank" have been labeled counterrevolutionaries and are also liable to be arrested, persecuted, and even executed.

Dai Qing, one of China's leading journalists, was arrested during a sweep by security forces in Beijing last week. On May 14, Dai helped organize an appeal by intellectuals for a compromise be tween the demonstrators and the government to prevent the use of military force. Dai had pleaded with students to give up their occupation and also insisted that the government meet demands for a dialogue and recognition of the democracy movement. After the massacre, she publicly resigned from the party, as we do hear now. Her fate is unknown.

Li Guiren, editor-in-chief of the Shaanxi provincial state publishing house, has also been arrested, as have writers Su Xiaokang, Wang Peigong, Wang Luxiang, and Wang Ruowang.

On the matter of specific sanctions, I come to you not as an expert on trade, but as a person committed to democracy in China, who has profound concern for my colleagues in our great country, Whatever actions you may take, please remember that the world looks to you for moral leadership. In this context, let me remark that the recent operations of a $20 million joint venture to produce cigarettes in China clearly does not represent the best and highest use to which U.S. investment ought to be put in our country. Whatever transpires regarding China trade, I implore this Government to discourage the export of hazardous industries in any case.

I cannot take more of your time with details about the thousands who are now arrested and the thousands more who are in hiding and fearful for their lives. Please understand, as you consider appropriate sanction policies, every action you take may help save our colleagues. We ask not that you cut China off, but that you send a strong message that the U.S. stands for human rights and will not condone the fearful actions of an aging, corrupt government.

[graphic]

Thank you very much.
{The prepared statement of Ke Gang follows:)

STATEMENT OF KE GANG
DIRECTOR CHINA COMMUNIST PARTY RESIGUATION

COORDINATING COMMITI:

JULY 18, 1989
HOUSE FOREIGN AFFFAIRS COMMITTEE

Rayburn 2712

on behalf of the four hundred mainland Chinese scholars who join me in resigning their membership in the communist Chinese Party, I thank you for inviting me to testify and for the continuing attention that this Congress is showing to the cause of freedom and democracy in China. I am Director of the Chinese Communist Party Resignation Coordinating Committee, and formerly a researcher with the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. I am completing my doctoral studies at the University of Maryland, Department of Government and Politics.

These last few months have been most trying ones for all those who care about democratic values in our great country. It is little appreciated that the pro demcaracy forces were not some minor student movement, but represent a broad cross section of Chinese society. For instance, the Director of the Institute of Politics at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Yan Jiaqi, and many of his colleagues at similar senior positions at other institutions throughout China, provided intellectual leadership to this movement. Many of them are now in exile. However, many others are imprisoned, and face the threat of execution, banishment and incarceration. The Chinese government circulated an internal memo ordering that arrrests would continue but were not to be publicized.

Our movement is not a violent one, because this would be senseless to our noble goals. In Paris yesterday, Li Lu, announced the organization of Chinese dissidents to fight the Beijing regime by nonviolent means. Hearings such as this offer our only way to get arr message aut to the America people, to the world, and back into China.

The people who participated in the pro democracy movement in China are at great risk, only for expressing their political views about basic human rights acn institutional reform. The Chinese government wants to punish these people, may even kill them, but it will never kill their spirit ideas.

Today, I want to discuss the views of many of us who are fortunate enough to be here on what actions the U.S. government should take to uphold justice, to prevent further repression and executions, and to allow the growth of democratic ideas in China. I think that economic sanctions are very necessary, because they provide an appropriate political response from the U.s, to the Chinese government atrocities, since a criminal deserves a punishment at any rate. These sanctions speak in the only language that China may need and this might be the only thing that the regime can not afford. On the other hand, such actions on the part of the U.S. also will encourage the moderate elements within China to continue to press their case for reform of corruption and economic reforms in China.

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