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inflation, deficits, unemployment, and problems in agricultural

and energy production.

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Keep the United States in step with Western Europe and Japan. Do not depart from our allies, and do not become a special target of Chinese animosity. The Japanese position is particularly crucial. Historically, we know the price to be paid when our China policy departs dramatically from that of Japan.

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Do not undertake measures that do more harm to the people of China than to its government. Let us remember the target and whose minds we are seeking to change. And let us not do more damage to ourselves than to the Chinese government. I put withdrawal of MFN status of Commodity Credit Corporation financing in this category.

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Maintain scholarly communications with China. Sending our scholars to China, if serious research is possible, will help us better understand that country, and continuing to welcome their scholars here will position us well when normalcy returns.

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Finally, let us preserve our flexibility. We will wish to respond with alacrity should the situation improve. Writing President Bush's sanctions into law may not give him the

flexibility he will need in the conduct of our China policy.

The

All of these injunctions point in one direction. Administration appropriately has imposed numerous punishing

economic sanctions.

The time has come to wait and watch, to test

and probe for signs of improvement, to be prepared to apply additional sanctions, and to preserve flexibility. There is much about the current situation that dictates prudence, caution, and

balance.

We are fortunate to have a President that understands the situation, and he merits bipartisan support--not pressure-from the Congress.

The remaining question concerns the criteria for resuming forward progress in our relations with China. These signs will indicate that China deserves renewed American confidence:

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Restoration of a climate in which Chinese and foreign professionals (journalists, businessmen, scholars, etc.) can meet international standards in their interactions on Chinese soil;

Confidence that our presence in China does not endanger Chinese friends;

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Serious efforts by the Chinese government to acknowledge the damage it has done to its international credibility and reputation, for example, by renegotiating aspects of the draft fundamental law on Hong Kong's governance after 1997 now being considered by the NPC;

Indication over a sustained time that China is honoring its previous statements on arms sales in the Middle East, nonproliferation of nuclear weapons, stability in Korea, and patience on the Taiwan issue;

Establishment of a credible succession arrangement to Deng Xiaoping that does not reward the perpetrators of the June 3rd massacre. This will be essential for the political

situation to become stable.

To summarize my position, I am supportive of the Administration's China policy in the wake of the tragedy in Beijing. Its actions have been balanced, measured, and tough.

The President has spoken softly--the best way to elicit Chinese attention--and, with our allies, he has wielded the right stick. The Congress has appropriately voiced the sentiments of moral outrage felt by the American people. Now is the time for patience and reason to prevail, as well as preparedness to apply additional sanctions if the situation deteriorates.

Mr. SOLARZ. Thank you very much, Mr. Oksenberg.
We will now hear from Aryeh Neier.

STATEMENT OF ARYEH NEIER

Mr. NEIER. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Thank you for holding this hearing and thank you for the efforts that you and other members of this committee have made to deal with the extraordinary violations of human rights that have taken place recently in China.

Mr. Chairman, I would like to submit for the record, as well as my testimony, a compilation that we have made of the names and biographical information on people who have been imprisoned in China. It's a 19-page list and it has about 225 names on it and information about them.

We have had somebody in Beijing until about two weeks ago gathering information. Our representative is in Hong Kong right now trying to continue the process of gathering this information. As you know, it's very difficult. The Chinese authorities were announcing arrests, but they have stopped doing so. But all of the information that is available indicates that the arrests have been continuing.

The official sources have indicated that there are now more than 2,500 people who have been arrested since June 4 and the massacre that took place at that time. Various estimates have appeared-I don't know how reliable they are-but the estimates suggest that the number of those arrested may be as high as 10,000. Apparently, the net is sweeping very widely. It is not limited to workers and students who took part in the demonstrations.

This morning I was appalled to learn of the arrest of a friend of mine, a journalist. She is a very well known journalist. Her name is Dai Qing. She works for the Guangming Daily, which is a Communist party newspaper for intellectuals. She is known particularly for her investigative journalism on the situation of women in China, and she was at work on a major, multi-volume book which American publishers were interested in publishing, an oral history of the cultural revolution.

She did not take part in the demonstrations. She refrained from taking part in the demonstration of journalists that took place in Tiananmen Square in Beijing, but according to the reports by UPI and Reuters yesterday, which I learned of this morning, her apartment was ransacked and she has been arrested.

I think that arrests of persons of that sort indicates how wide the Chinese authorities are sweeping in rounding up people who are associated with freedom of expression, with an interest in moving China towards political democracy, or who have been concerned about the problem of corruption in China and have written articles about it.

Aside from the arrests, aside from the massacre, as you know there have been more than 30 officially confirmed executions. There has been a purge going on at academic institutions in China. The Chinese authorities have identified five crimes they are particularly trying to deal with, this time through "reform, through labor," up to the death penalty, and those crimes include propagat